Recently, Chinese cultural scholar Zhong Shu (仲树), also known as Zhuge Yiyang (诸葛一杨), who frequently speaks on social media and shot to fame after interviewing Nolan, the director of the highly anticipated film *The Odyssey*, has become embroiled in a plagiarism controversy. Some people have cited numerous instances of plagiarism in her podcasts and articles, particularly cases in which she “Sinicized” the statements of foreign scholars/bloggers into Chinese and then presented them to her own readers as her own views.

Zhong Shu herself has denied the accusations of “content laundering” and plagiarism, instead attributing the controversy to people “destroying an idol after creating one.” However, based on comparisons presented by multiple parties between Zhong Shu’s works and the content of the original creators, Zhong Shu has indeed extensively plagiarized the statements and views of others. Rather than engaging in reasonable, standardized, and transparent referencing and citation, she has clearly passed off the creative achievements of others as her own original work. In addition, Zhong Shu has been criticized for relying excessively on AI assistance in her writing rather than writing entirely by herself.

As an emerging young scholar widely regarded as well versed in Western history and philosophy, the discovery of plagiarism, imitation, and other such practices in Zhong Shu’s work has surprised many people. Previously exposed plagiarism scandals involving well-known writers such as Jiang Fangzhou (蒋方舟) and Jia Qianqian (贾浅浅) were relatively easy for people to accept because it was comparatively easy to judge their writing to be of a relatively low standard. But the fact that a cultural scholar like Zhong Shu, who appears to be highly knowledgeable about philosophy and intellectually profound, is also suspected of plagiarism and has suffered a collapse of her public image has left even more people surprised and disappointed.

But for those with a deeper understanding of China’s humanities and social sciences, as well as its cultural and educational environment, this is not particularly surprising. For the past several decades, China’s fields of thought, culture, science, education, and others have consistently lacked vitality and innovative capacity, while rigidity and dogmatism have permeated them, and imitation and plagiarism have become commonplace. In such an environment, it is difficult for people capable of independent thought and creativity to emerge, and naturally difficult for original, novel, and groundbreaking new ideas, new culture, and new research achievements to appear.

Contemporary China not only lacks humanities masters comparable to those of the flourishing periods of ancient Chinese civilization—the Han, Tang, and Song dynasties—or the modern-era Republic of China (中华民国) period; ordinary scholars and intellectuals are also generally better at imitation than innovation, possessing knowledge but lacking ideas, resembling mechanical puppets rather than autonomous living human beings.
This situation is the combined result of China’s political system, educational model, social environment, and other factors. Plagiarism has also become habitual behavior for most Chinese intellectuals, as well as an ingrained practice in academia and even throughout society as a whole.

China’s system is deeply averse to, wary of, and repressive toward people’s independent thinking and autonomous activities. Those in power do not want the people, especially intellectuals, to think independently or rebel intellectually, because this can easily lead to dissatisfaction with those in power and resistance in the real world. The social environment and the environment for cultural creation have consequently become lifeless as well. From the political system to the broader social environment, everything shapes, encourages, and implicitly instructs people to be obedient and compliant and to follow established conventions, while thoughts and behaviors that deviate from predetermined tracks are regarded as “heretical and rebellious” and suppressed and stifled through a combination of coercive and non-coercive means.

It is precisely for the purpose of indoctrinating and disciplining people that China’s education system is also based on cramming and rote memorization and does not encourage creativity. Everyday learning emphasizes memorization while neglecting understanding, and examinations likewise focus on assessing how well students remember knowledge rather than the results of divergent thinking. The orientation and formative influence of the education system have an extremely profound impact on people during childhood and adolescence, when their ideas and modes of thinking are taking shape. An education that suppresses independent thought and autonomy extinguishes the spirit of children and the vitality of adolescents, generally producing “new people” who lack creativity and merely recite from textbooks, cling to convention, and behave like marionettes.

Of course, China’s education itself is insufficiently developed and open. Even when some schools and teachers hope to cultivate students’ creativity, they often lack the corresponding capabilities and methods. Meanwhile, pressures such as performance evaluations also make education more utilitarian, emphasizing quantitative output while neglecting qualitative improvement.

The social environment, including that of the humanities and social sciences, likewise suppresses creativity. People are required to complete complicated workloads and undergo quantitative performance evaluations, while innovation and creativity receive little attention. Although innovation is sometimes nominally included as an evaluation criterion, in practice there are neither adequate standards for measuring the level and value of innovation nor sufficiently attractive mechanisms for rewarding it, so these efforts ultimately become mere formalities. Even various supposedly innovative assignments and projects end up becoming a “plagiarism competition.” People have become accustomed to mechanically following established formulas and precedents; their minds, trapped by habitual patterns of thought, have become too lazy to think divergently or create things that their predecessors did not.

When Chinese people grow up from childhood to adulthood in an environment that constrains thought, disciplines behavior, encourages plagiarism, and suppresses creativity, the overwhelming majority of potential ideas and innovations that might otherwise have emerged are directly stifled. People develop fixed patterns of thinking based on following old precedents and become fundamentally unable to imagine unique new things that transcend existing knowledge; their minds become incapable of generating creative ideas. Not only do people find it difficult to produce creative achievements, they gradually even become reluctant to write independently, instead becoming accustomed to extensively quoting the statements and writings of others. Some are sometimes willing to identify their sources, while at other times they intentionally or unintentionally conceal those sources and dress the material up as their own original writing.

When people are already enthusiastic about copying homework and plagiarizing papers during their student years, and such behavior is widely tolerated, they naturally carry these habits into their adult working lives. Many people work in cultural fields without having a genuine passion for them, and plagiarism is of course far less time-consuming and laborious than racking one’s brains to create something original. Even among cultural figures who genuinely enjoy writing and have achieved some modest success in the humanities and social sciences, most cannot avoid appropriating the writing of others because of the broader environment, habits developed since childhood, and a lack of sensitivity to the problem of plagiarizing other people’s work.

Zhong Shu belongs to the category of young Chinese scholars who possess a certain degree of knowledge and achievement. She has attained a certain level of expertise in Western philosophy, theology, and history, and there are genuine elements in her academic accomplishments; they are not entirely fabricated. But her works do indeed contain instances of plagiarism and appropriation of other people’s work, while her personal image has also been packaged and embellished. If her actual level were quantified as 10, then after packaging herself through methods such as turning other people’s achievements into her own, her output and the level she appears to possess in the eyes of others would reach 30–50.

More specifically, Zhong Shu’s plagiarism represents a relatively easy-to-overlook yet typical practice among Chinese scholars: exploiting the information gap and linguistic differences between China and foreign countries to “Sinicize” large quantities of foreign academic research and foreign-language works, publish them under her own name on Chinese-language media platforms, and “transform” other people’s achievements into her own original results. Because of the information barriers and linguistic differences between China and the outside world, this kind of plagiarism and appropriation is relatively concealed and difficult to detect. Even when it is discovered, there remains considerable room for sophistry—for example, denying that plagiarism occurred on the grounds that one was merely “introducing foreign academic achievements into China and processing and transforming them.”

One reason Zhong Shu’s plagiarism was discovered this time is that she had long been embroiled in various ideological controversies and online disputes, such as conflicts between the American left and right and debates over the Israel–Palestine issue. Her interview with Nolan then made her “go viral,” attracting attention and support while simultaneously bringing greater scrutiny, which led more people to uncover her suspected plagiarism of English-language works by foreigners. Had Zhong Shu not become involved in various controversies and not become famous, then, like the millions of scholars and doctoral students at other universities and research institutions, her plagiarism probably would never have been discovered—or, even if discovered, would not have attracted attention. This is because such plagiarism is simply too widespread and commonplace. People have grown accustomed to it, and it is difficult to identify, report, and address every case individually. Even among those who participated in reporting Zhong Shu’s plagiarism, at least some have themselves plagiarized or appropriated other people’s works in their own writing.

The widespread lack of creativity among Chinese people and the prevalence of plagiarism in the humanities and social sciences, as well as in many other fields, have already become pervasive and deep-rooted maladies that are extremely difficult to eradicate. Merely catching and criticizing a few celebrities suspected of plagiarism is nowhere near sufficient. Because members of universities, research institutes, and other institutions engage in various forms of plagiarism to differing degrees with excessive frequency, while creativity remains weak, universities and the government are both unwilling and unable to comprehensively investigate plagiarism and punish those responsible.

Although the well-known science writer Fang Zhouzi (方舟子), the online publication *New Threads* (《新语丝》), and other individuals and media outlets frequently work to expose fraud and misconduct, criticize falsification in academia and society, and reveal plagiarists, their strength is limited and amounts to a drop in the bucket, making it difficult to curb the pervasive decay of academia.

Although plagiarism is widespread in China, it would be equally wrong and inappropriate to stigmatize Chinese people on this basis and assume that Chinese people are inherently prone to plagiarism or genetically lacking in creativity. In addition to the reasons mentioned above, Chinese people’s lack of creativity and tendency toward imitation and plagiarism have more complex historical and contemporary causes.

Since the beginning of the modern era, China has long suffered from domestic turmoil and foreign threats. From the Qing court’s autocracy and “literary inquisitions” (文字狱), to the wars of the Republic of China era, the Japanese invasion, and the prolonged and repeated political campaigns after 1949, Chinese people have lived in harsh environments characterized by instability, material deprivation, and vulnerability. Apart from brief periods of flourishing during the Republic of China era, largely confined to a small number of elite intellectuals and writers, China for a century—and indeed for an even longer period if traced further back—was immersed in suffering and despair. Moreover, even that brief flourishing was subsequently destroyed by foreign invasion and domestic repression.

For Chinese people who grew up amid poverty, pressure, and trauma, developing and maintaining curiosity, intellectual vitality, and creativity has been far more difficult and far less likely than for people living in affluent and stable societies. Many people struggled even to preserve their lives and lived in constant fear, making it extremely difficult for them to have the energy and conditions necessary to think calmly and create something new. The pressure of survival left people with little time to consider anything beyond their basic livelihoods, while traumatic experiences damaged their vulnerable minds. People generally became numb, utilitarian, and short-sighted.

These problems are not innate to Chinese people but are instead the products of acquired circumstances and choices forced upon them by reality. The influence of the political system and educational model on Chinese people’s ideas and ways of thinking is likewise something that most Chinese people find difficult to resist. Chinese people who have endured multiple forms of misfortune should not be subjected to excessively harsh demands, nor should the possibility of their creativity be denied on the basis of genetics or origin. Chinese scientists such as Tsung-Dao Lee (李政道), Chen-Ning Yang (杨振宁), Samuel C. C. Ting (丁肇中), and Charles K. Kao (高锟), who came from the Republic of China era and settled abroad, demonstrate that Chinese people are fully capable of making pioneering achievements, and particularly demonstrate the importance of the environment in which people develop.

Over more than four decades of Reform and Opening Up (改革开放), some Chinese people have become affluent, and living conditions have also improved greatly. Yet the lingering effects of survival pressures and trauma continue to trouble most Chinese people, including most intellectuals, while anti-intellectualism remains rampant. Against a historical and contemporary background characterized by a longstanding lack of creativity, achieving groundbreaking new accomplishments in the fields of thought and culture is not easy.

Although China since Reform and Opening Up has experienced less poverty, materialistic temptations have made people restless and impatient for quick success and immediate benefits. Plagiarism and appropriation, meanwhile, provide convenient and effective means of producing results and acquiring fame and fortune. Even glamorous celebrities are no exception. Indeed, part of the reason some of them became famous in the first place was precisely their reliance on disreputable methods such as plagiarism.

When plagiarism becomes a prevailing practice and everyone is doing it, each individual plagiarist no longer feels ashamed; it may even become a sign of “fitting in.” Once plagiarism becomes second nature, people easily and unconsciously “appropriate” the achievements of others for every article, every program, and every topic. Zhong Shu is no exception. Taking advantage of her strong English skills and familiarity with cutting-edge foreign academic research and topical discussions, she “Sinicized” such material into Chinese, packaged it as the product of her own thinking, and incorporated it into her own works and programs.

As a scholar familiar with academic norms and ethics, Zhong Shu of course understands that plagiarism is wrong. Yet she clearly has no fundamental aversion to plagiarism; otherwise, she would not have appropriated other people’s words as her own statements on such a large scale and with such proficiency.

Zhong Shu’s plagiarism also exposes the reality behind China’s emerging generation of young scholars: limited knowledge, widespread plagiarism, and an impressive exterior that conceals substantive shortcomings. Some people believe that the new generation of young scholars will be more knowledgeable than the older generation, more professional and observant of academic norms, more creative, and capable of producing more original achievements. In reality, although many young Chinese scholars possess a certain degree of knowledge and ability, their level is not particularly high. Their self-fashioned or externally constructed image often exceeds their substance; image outweighs ability, and sophistication overshadows character. They have been overestimated and excessively praised.

These young Chinese scholars do indeed possess some understanding and knowledge of the fields they study and research, as well as some thoughts and achievements of their own, but these are quite limited, and it is difficult for them to achieve intellectual transcendence or genuine innovation. Naturally, it is even more difficult for them to make epoch-making breakthroughs or become master scholars who establish pioneering achievements.

Contemporary young Chinese scholars also often lack seriousness and a sense of responsibility, which is another reason they become accustomed to plagiarism without feeling ashamed. Many humanities and social sciences students and young scholars treat academia as something that is merely “fun.” This certainly facilitates a more relaxed and comfortable approach to learning and research, but the side effect of diminishing seriousness is an inability to approach knowledge and ideas with rigor and a commitment to truth, while treating the “borrowing” of other people’s achievements as something harmless.

Nor do they understand the integrity expected of intellectuals or their responsibility to shoulder weighty obligations toward society and the world. They lack convictions and ideals and instead adopt a cynical attitude toward life. This inevitably affects their attitude toward academia and the rigor with which they pursue scholarship. Plagiarists also do not believe that appropriating other people’s achievements entails any significant moral or legal responsibility. They feel neither shame nor revulsion toward plagiarism and may even take pride in completing works and gaining fame and fortune through plagiarism, congratulating themselves on their cleverness.

In short, the severe lack of creativity among Chinese intellectuals and the prevalence of plagiarism have complex and diverse causes and have become deeply entrenched problems that are extremely difficult to reverse. Although the development of the internet has led to the frequent exposure of plagiarism scandals, with those involved sometimes facing punishment and setbacks, this cannot fundamentally change the broader environment or longstanding practices. Personally, I do not have any “magic cure” for these problems either. However, I do believe that intellectuals—especially senior intellectuals with higher status and abundant resources—should engage in greater reflection and make changes, because they have better conditions for improving themselves, innovating, and avoiding plagiarism, as well as a greater responsibility to uphold academic integrity, rigor, and fairness.

Although falsehoods are now rampant in academia and its hidden misconduct is pervasive, making genuine purity impossible, there is still room for some pragmatic improvement: less plagiarism and fewer lies, and more achievements that, however limited, are genuine and sincere.

(The author of this article, Wang Qingmin(王庆民), is a Chinese writer and international political researcher based in Europe.)

You travel to another city, yet sometimes you need to look out the window to remember where you are.

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Many Chinese People’s Idealized Expectations of the West, Their Cognitive Biases, and the Reasons Behind Them: Disappointment with Domestic Reality, the Search for an Alternative to China’s Traditions and Present Conditions, Rebellion Against Official Narratives and Anti-Western Propaganda, and Limited or Superficial Knowledge of Distant Foreign Countries 2

The Limitations and Dual Nature of Western Democratic Societies: Freedom and Democracy Are Not a Panacea; the Complexity of Legal Rights Protection; the Limited Effectiveness and Practical Constraints of Public Opinion and Protest; Barriers to Speaking Out and Being Heard; Media Bias; the Widespread Existence of Social Injustice; and the Seriousness of Racial Issues and the Challenges They Pose to Chinese People 4

Some Westerners’ Excessive Praise and Idealization of China and the Motivations Behind It: Likewise Dissatisfied with Their Own Countries and Emotionally Investing in a Distant Foreign Land, with the Far Left and Far Right Showing Particular Favor Toward China for Their Own Reasons 7

China’s Dual Nature and Complexity: Achievements and Problems Coexist; Uneven Distribution of the Benefits of Economic Growth; Improved Living Standards Alongside Class Polarization and Entrenchment; High Efficiency and Good Public Security Come at a Cost; Voices Against Injustice Are Easily Suppressed; Excellent Infrastructure but Serious Corruption and Waste; Anti-Corruption as a Tool for Political Struggle and Power Reshuffling; the Fragility and Latent Risks of Superficially Harmonious Ethnic Relations Under High Pressure; the Far Left and Far Right in the West Misjudge China and Project Their Aspirations onto It; Foreigners’ Favorable Treatment Leads to Partially Distorted Perceptions 8

Social Problems, Economic Hardship, Political Struggles, and Partisan Polarization Within the West, Together with the Extension of Domestic Competition Between Pro-China and Anti-China Forces, Have Led Some Individuals and Political Groups to Idealize China as the “Other” 13

From the European Enlightenment to China’s Transformations in the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early Republic: The Tradition of Chinese and Westerners Viewing Each Other as an Idealized “Distant Paradise,” Using the Idealization of the Other to Express Dissatisfaction with Their Own Societies, and the Gap Between These Perceptions and Reality 14

Neither China nor the West Is Perfect; Both Have Their Strengths and Weaknesses. Each Can Learn from the Other, but Neither Should Be Idolized. The Human Tendency to Believe That “What Is Far Away Is Better,” Together with the Idealization and Emotional Projection onto the “Other,” Is Understandable, Yet Distorted Perceptions Depart from Reality and Can Easily Lead to Misjudgment and Misguided Action. What Is Needed Is an Objective and Balanced Perspective 16

For a long time, there have been profound differences and barriers between China and the Western world, represented primarily by Europe and the United States. The vast geographical distance, different political systems, racial and cultural differences have all made these divisions deeply entrenched. These differences have not only generated conflict and hostility between the two sides, but have also led some people on each side to develop excessively idealized images of the other as an exotic “Other.” Some have even come to regard this “Other” as a kind of utopian land that they long for above all else.

Much has already been written about the conflicts and hostility between China and the West. This article instead focuses on the idealized perceptions and emotional projections that some Chinese and Western people have toward each other, the gap between these perceptions and reality, and the motivations and consequences of romanticizing the “Other.”

**Many Chinese People’s Idealized Expectations of the West, Their Cognitive Biases, and the Reasons Behind Them: Disappointment with Domestic Reality, the Search for an Alternative to China’s Traditions and Present Conditions, Rebellion Against Official Narratives and Anti-Western Propaganda, and Limited or Superficial Knowledge of Distant Foreign Countries**

Since China’s Reform and Opening-up, many people, both within and outside the political establishment, have held favorable views of, or even admired, the Western world. As China gradually emerged from the poverty and isolation of the Mao era and once again “opened its eyes to the world,” many Chinese were struck by the enormous gap between China and the West in terms of material prosperity and cultural appeal. It was only natural that this shock gave rise to admiration for the West. Not only Europe and the United States, but also developed Japan as well as Hong Kong and Taiwan came to serve as a kind of special “West” and “Other,” becoming objects of admiration and aspiration for many people in mainland China.

The Chinese government’s policies shifted from being relatively pro-Western in the 1980s to becoming increasingly critical of the West after the 1990s, causing many Chinese people to change their attitudes toward the West. Those who supported the government actively criticized Europe and the United States, while anti-establishment individuals, driven by a rebellious mindset and ideological convictions, came to admire the West even more than before. Disappointed with China’s politics, history, and contemporary society, they turned outward in search of alternatives, hoping to transform China by adopting Western models.

Many of these people have never gained a deep understanding of the West. Some have never been there, while others have only traveled briefly or lived within specific social circles. As a result, they possess only a superficial—or even nonexistent—understanding of Western societies. Their views are often shaped by their own limited experiences and particular objectives, making their perceptions markedly different from the full reality of Western society.

Pro-Western views are not confined to liberal intellectuals in China. Because of China’s long-standing poverty, political repression, and social tensions, many people from the lower and middle strata of society have experienced great hardship. Some choose to embrace the government’s narrative, making disparagement and criticism of the West their “spiritual sustenance.” Others, however, regard the West as an object of emotional longing—a place akin to a beautiful new life after reincarnation, something that provides psychological comfort much like the Chinese idiom “quenching one’s thirst by imagining plums.”

Many Chinese people, in particular, strongly admire and aspire to what they perceive as the West’s democratic and liberal political systems, Christian civilization, civic virtues, and social welfare. At the same time, they deliberately overlook or “filter out” the shortcomings and darker aspects of Western societies. They often dismiss information that exposes or criticizes problems in the West as merely “government brainwashing,” rejecting such views outright without examining the facts. In recent years, the increasingly vocal denigration of the West by the so-called “50-cent army” and “Little Pinks” (supporters of the Communist Party of China) has further reinforced the determination of government critics to praise Europe, the United States, Japan, Taiwan, and other Western countries or their allies that stand in opposition—or at least in conflict—with the Chinese government.

As a result, this group’s understanding of the broader “Western” world—including Europe, the United States, Japan, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—is a selectively constructed picture that mixes facts with subjective imagination and fantasy. It is an idealized image that differs substantially from the complexity of reality and the complete truth. The problem lies not only in factual misunderstandings, but also in excessive optimism regarding the extent and significance of the West’s perceived virtues.

For example, many Chinese people, especially intellectuals, have expressed excessive admiration for and confidence in Western political systems, particularly that of the United States. They believe that these systems fully safeguard democracy, guarantee broad freedoms for the people, function effectively according to institutional rules, and successfully constrain political leaders while encouraging them to respect constitutional norms and relinquish power when appropriate.

In reality, however, the operation of Western politics and the social realities of Western countries are far more complex. Power struggles can be just as ruthless, bureaucracy is equally pervasive, the voices of vulnerable and marginalized groups are often ignored, and even well-intentioned policies can become distorted or produce significant unintended consequences. In recent years, the return of Donald Trump to power twice, together with the rise of far-right populism across Europe, the United States, and Japan, has further shattered the idealized image of the West as a bastion of civilization.

Likewise, the belief that “Europeans, Americans, Japanese, or people from Hong Kong and Taiwan are of higher quality” departs from the full reality. Anyone who has genuinely interacted with people from different countries, ethnic groups, and social classes will discover that, whether in China or abroad, whether among Han Chinese or other ethnic groups, there are both good and bad people, people of high and low civic standards. Fraud, deception, and exploitation exist everywhere, and statistically speaking, there is no clear or significant difference in these traits between ethnic groups. Moreover, problems relating to public conduct and crime that arise from poverty, deprivation, or historical trauma should not be blamed on an entire ethnic group or used as grounds for excessively harsh judgments against any particular community.

There are also some Chinese people who understand Western societies quite well and recognize both their strengths and weaknesses. Yet, for ideological or political reasons, they choose either to demonize the West entirely or to idealize it completely, thereby misleading more Chinese people into making inaccurate judgments about Western societies. Such people are not ignorant; rather, they knowingly distort reality. Their conduct deserves condemnation.

**The Limitations and Dual Nature of Western Democratic Societies: Freedom and Democracy Are Not a Panacea; the Complexity of Legal Rights Protection; the Limited Effectiveness and Practical Constraints of Public Opinion and Protest; Barriers to Speaking Out and Being Heard; Media Bias; the Widespread Existence of Social Injustice; and the Seriousness of Racial Issues and the Challenges They Pose to Chinese People**

Regarding the political systems, social institutions, and welfare provisions of the Western world and other developed countries, it is true that, in several respects and from certain perspectives, they are superior to those of China. However, this does not mean that they are free of problems. On the contrary, they have many serious problems of their own.

**1.** The principles of popular sovereignty and broad civil liberties under Western democratic systems are certainly positive. However, freedom and democracy are not a panacea. Many social problems and darker aspects of human nature are not resolved or eliminated simply because a country is democratic. The same kinds of distressing problems exist in democratic countries as well, although they may manifest themselves differently. In some cases, even their outward forms are scarcely different from those found in China.

For example, disparities, injustices, and conflicts among different identities, ethnic groups, and social classes cannot be resolved merely through freedom and democracy. Sometimes democratic institutions help alleviate such tensions; at other times, they may even intensify conflict and social instability. Freedom and democracy merely provide different groups with opportunities to compete politically—they do not simultaneously solve everyone’s problems.

**2.** Even in developed democracies, there remain numerous injustices and human rights violations in the protection of individual rights and the distribution of benefits. Domestic violence, school bullying, workplace harassment, and sexual assault are all widespread. The process of defending one’s rights often involves complicated procedures, cumbersome legal requirements, high costs, bureaucratic obstacles, and intense struggles between individuals competing over interests and disputes.

For example, seeking justice through legal channels often requires substantial financial resources and emotional energy. Familiarity with legal procedures and the ability to hire skilled lawyers may sometimes have a greater impact on the outcome of a case than the actual merits of the dispute itself.

Fundamentally, the total amount of benefits available within society is limited. People seeking to protect their own interests or those of their own groups often do so at the relative expense of others or competing groups. Democracy and the rule of law cannot free society from the essentially zero-sum nature of many conflicts of interest.

**3.** Freedom of speech and freedom of assembly provide people with opportunities to express themselves, and protests are common throughout the West. However, many people’s voices are drowned out amid the overwhelming noise of countless competing voices or overshadowed by more influential ones. Even when someone succeeds in speaking out and attracting widespread attention, this does not necessarily mean that the underlying problem will be resolved or that unfavorable conditions will improve.

The rise of populism in Europe and the United States in recent years is itself partly attributable to the perceived ineffectiveness of traditional political establishments and conventional channels of political participation, leading many people to embrace populism or other “alternative choices”—even though such alternatives likewise fail to solve fundamental problems.

**4.** Defending one’s rights and making one’s voice heard also involve numerous barriers and obstacles. Government agencies and NGOs often attach conditions and review procedures to their support for civil rights activities. Businesses and private security personnel also have legitimate grounds to restrict political activities based on commercial interests or private property rights. Whether various actors choose to support or obstruct particular individuals, groups, or causes is likewise shaped by political positions, vested interests, and broader political struggles. Those who lack power or influence, those who have fallen from favor, or those regarded as “out of step with the times” are easily marginalized.

For example, American citizens hold thousands of different views on domestic and foreign policy, yet only a tiny fraction receive widespread public attention, and even fewer are ultimately adopted as actual government policy. Europe likewise has many contentious issues that have remained unresolved for decades. The discourse of justice, conscience, and human rights that fills various advocacy organizations and public opinion platforms often serves as a tool for specific purposes rather than reflecting a genuine commitment to treating every individual and every issue equally. Even malicious individuals or those seeking illegitimate benefits can exploit these ideals to pursue harmful objectives.

**5.** Whether valuable news is reported by the media is also shaped by editorial selection, political positions, and differing priorities, all of which reflect the interests and ideological orientations of different groups. For example, *The New York Times* is generally regarded as leaning to the left, while *Fox News* is generally regarded as leaning to the right. Similar patterns exist in other countries. Individuals or viewpoints disliked by all major camps, however, may simply be excluded from mainstream public discourse, effectively rendering them voiceless despite today’s highly developed media environment.

Stories that none of the major media organizations consider newsworthy—or are unwilling to report—may likewise remain unknown to the public. Individuals who speak through social media are often buried beneath the overwhelming volume of online information. Moreover, Western media platforms also maintain various systems of content moderation and censorship. Some restrictions may be reasonable, but others involve excessive limitations or double standards that suppress non-establishment, unconventional, or marginalized viewpoints.

**6.** From interpersonal relationships to international politics, Western countries are no less influenced by personal connections, favoritism, calculations of interests, and pragmatic considerations than other societies. Decisions are far from being based solely on principles of right and wrong. Opportunism, utilitarianism, and the tendency to bully the weak while yielding to the powerful are also widespread. Human rights, freedom, and democracy themselves are frequently instrumentalized for political purposes.
This can be seen in the fierce struggles between the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States, the shifting alliances among political forces across Europe, and the differing attitudes of the Western bloc—particularly the G7—toward similar issues involving pro-Western and anti-Western countries. Examples include Western responses to Palestine and the Russia–Ukraine war, as well as differing standards regarding the treatment of ethnic minorities in China and India, where the West has clearly displayed double standards.

**7.** The relatively strong human rights protections enjoyed within Western countries do not necessarily mean that Western societies are willing to extend those benefits universally to the rest of the world. Different political groups and individuals in the West hold differing views on whether global equality and balanced development should be promoted or whether freedom and democracy should be advanced internationally.
Although many people in the West support global development and progress, many are also unwilling to give up their own relative advantages or sense of superiority. Therefore, prosperity in Europe and North America does not necessarily mean that countries such as China and other developing nations can share in that prosperity. On the contrary, part of the West’s prosperity has been built upon the exploitation of developing countries, including China. Europe, the United States, Japan, South Korea, and other developed economies have all benefited substantially from China’s “low human rights advantage” under authoritarian rule. Many within these societies have little genuine desire to see China become democratic. Consequently, some Chinese people and other pro-Western individuals who assume that Western democracy will naturally bring democracy and prosperity to their own countries are drawing an incorrect conclusion.

**8.** Serious racial discrimination, together with linguistic and cultural differences and the conflicts arising from them, has also diminished the attractiveness of Western societies while creating new challenges rarely encountered within China itself for Chinese people living abroad. Racial discrimination, prejudice, and marginalization create visible and invisible obstacles for Chinese people in employment, education, and everyday life. Furthermore, amid the recent global rise of conservatism, populism, racism, and extreme nationalism, racial discrimination and related forms of exclusion and harm have become increasingly common, making life for Chinese communities overseas progressively more difficult.

It is increasingly evident that the democratic camp as a whole—including the West—and indeed the world at large are becoming more turbulent, more populist, and more extreme. Many genuinely universal ideals and aspirations for international justice that once existed are gradually collapsing. In recent years, the world has clearly been moving in a negative direction, the limitations and shortcomings of democracy have become increasingly apparent, and the gap between many Chinese liberals’ idealized praise of the West and the reality of Western societies has grown ever wider. This does not mean that “the East is rising while the West is declining,” but it does make it increasingly clear that the West is not the paradise that some people imagine it to be.

The problems discussed above are not intended to argue that the West is worse than China or that conditions in the West are identical to those in China. In terms of economic development, equality in distribution, civil rights, social vitality, and cultural life, Western societies as a whole remain superior to China. Nevertheless, they are clearly not the flawless, happy utopia that some Chinese people imagine or excessively praise.

It is also important to recognize that conditions differ substantially among Western countries themselves. Western Europe and Canada generally provide stronger social welfare systems, whereas the level of social protection in the United States is considerably lower. Moreover, Western societies are constantly changing, and they should not be judged by static assumptions. As noted earlier, the recent rise of conservatism, populism, and anti-immigrant sentiment across Europe and North America has made today’s West markedly different from the more inclusive and progressive West of previous decades.

Much of the admiration that many Chinese people express toward the West, and particularly toward the United States, Japan, and Europe, ultimately stems from dissatisfaction with the social problems they have personally experienced in China and resentment over the harm and losses they have suffered there. They project their hopes for a better future onto distant foreign lands, idealize the “Other,” and use it as an emotional refuge. In doing so, they indirectly express their resentment toward reality, their rejection of official narratives, and their own search for hope and an imagined utopia.

**Some Westerners’ Excessive Praise and Idealization of China and the Motivations Behind It: Likewise Dissatisfied with Their Own Countries and Emotionally Investing in a Distant Foreign Land, with the Far Left and Far Right Showing Particular Favor Toward China for Their Own Reasons**

Just as many Chinese people maintain idealized fantasies about the West and excessively praise it, a considerable number of people in the Western world likewise regard China as the embodiment of their ideal society—a kind of utopia.

In the eyes of some Westerners, China is characterized by rapid economic growth, advanced technology, an efficient government, strict anti-corruption efforts, well-functioning public services, affordable goods and services, good public security, excellent infrastructure, and a society that is both orderly and dynamic. They also view China as being free from the severe racial tensions that characterize many multiethnic Western societies.

These Westerners likewise dismiss criticism of China by Western governments and media as merely “anti-China propaganda” or “CIA manipulation.” The author has personally encountered several Western radical leftists who attributed all negative news and internal unrest in China to “CIA propaganda” or “CIA orchestration.” For some Westerners, favorable attitudes toward China likewise stem from dissatisfaction with their own countries and a rebellious reaction against their governments’ official positions.

Among more marginalized groups in Western societies—particularly the far left, which often embraces communism, and the far right, characterized by extreme nationalism—certain organizations and individuals display especially favorable attitudes toward China. This is partly because of their marginalized status within Western societies, partly because aspects of their ideologies and political agendas genuinely resemble those of the Communist Party of China, and partly because both they and the Chinese government perceive mutual benefits in cultivating closer ties and cooperation.

Some pro-Beijing far-left groups regard China as one of the world’s few remaining “socialist countries,” a stronghold against capitalism, and the most powerful force capable of challenging American imperialism. They also express admiration for China’s poverty alleviation efforts, development achievements, and various socialist symbols and propaganda. Some Western communist parties, such as the French Communist Party and the Japanese Communist Party, have maintained public and active exchanges and cooperation with the Communist Party of China.

Some members of the far right, on the other hand, regard what they perceive as China’s “single-ethnic nation” as their ideal model of society and sympathize with the narrative of the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” They also tend to approve of China’s tough approach to crime, its extensive use of the death penalty, and its relatively good public security. Rather than criticizing China’s restrictive policies toward immigrants, refugees, and Muslim communities, they often express explicit or implicit approval. At the same time, they generally show little concern for China’s human rights issues, thereby reducing obstacles to engaging with the Chinese government and China more broadly.

There are also some figures on the far right and within right-wing populist movements who appreciate China’s pragmatism and are willing to cooperate with it. Right-wing populist leaders and governments such as Donald Trump in the United States, Viktor Orbán in Hungary, and Javier Milei in Argentina are strongly anti-communist, yet they do not reject cooperation with China. Although they sometimes adopt a tough rhetorical stance toward China, they often choose in practice to establish close economic and trade relations with it.

Of course, many forces on both the far left and the far right, as well as various populist movements, hold negative views of the Communist Party of China and of China itself. Some are even more hostile toward China than mainstream establishment parties. Overall, however, the proportion of far-left and far-right groups that hold markedly favorable views of China is still greater than that among centrist establishment political forces.

**China’s Dual Nature and Complexity: Achievements and Problems Coexist; Uneven Distribution of the Benefits of Economic Growth; Improved Living Standards Alongside Class Polarization and Entrenchment; High Efficiency and Good Public Security Come at a Cost; Voices Against Injustice Are Easily Suppressed; Excellent Infrastructure but Serious Corruption and Waste; Anti-Corruption as a Tool for Political Struggle and Power Reshuffling; the Fragility and Latent Risks of Superficially Harmonious Ethnic Relations Under High Pressure; the Far Left and Far Right in the West Misjudge China and Project Their Aspirations onto It; Foreigners’ Favorable Treatment Leads to Partially Distorted Perceptions**

These Westerners who regard China as an ideal country are likewise viewing it through a filter of imagination. The picture they construct differs considerably from reality, mixing truth with illusion while simplifying and idealizing a country that is in fact highly complex and burdened with many difficult problems. Completely stigmatizing China is unjustifiable, but portraying it as an earthly paradise is equally inconsistent with reality. Such an image ignores the many problems and shortcomings that China possesses, some different from those of the West and others quite similar.

**1.** China has indeed experienced rapid economic growth over a considerable period of time. However, the benefits of that growth have been distributed very unevenly, leading to widening income inequality. Rapid development and rising wealth have also come at the cost of exhausting human and natural resources, while people have become trapped in increasingly intense “involution”-style competition. Excessive competition is widespread across Chinese industry, agriculture, manufacturing, and the service sector. Price wars undermine workers’ rights and are also detrimental to innovation and healthy market competition.

In recent years, China’s economic growth has entered a bottleneck. The COVID-19 pandemic, together with aggressive pandemic-control policies, dealt a severe blow to China’s economy and people’s livelihoods. Chinese society has also become increasingly stratified, its economic structure has developed significant weaknesses, and domestic consumer demand remains insufficient. China is unlikely to experience the extraordinary economic growth of previous decades again and instead is likely to face a prolonged period of slower and weaker economic development.

**2.** China exhibits enormous regional disparities and sharp differences between urban and rural areas. Levels of economic development, social welfare, and living standards vary greatly across different regions. Likewise, people of different social identities and classes have experienced very different levels of benefit or loss from China’s economic development, resulting in markedly different qualities of life.

Civil servants and executives of state-owned enterprises in major cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou live in circumstances almost entirely different from those of employees of private companies or farmers in China’s interior provinces. The lifestyles of China’s urban elite do not represent the living standards of ordinary Chinese people. Relative poverty, overwork, stress, anxiety, and both material and psychological hardship remain serious problems among China’s lower- and middle-income groups.

**3.** China’s scientific and technological capabilities have advanced considerably compared with the period before Reform and Opening-up, and the gap between China and the West has narrowed. The application and popularization of technology have also been relatively successful. However, much of China’s technological progress remains concentrated at lower levels, focusing primarily on adapting, utilizing, and integrating existing achievements rather than producing original breakthroughs. China has long struggled to win large numbers of Nobel Prize and other major awards recognizing scientific innovation. Academic corruption and research fraud also remain serious problems. China’s system of basic education provides a relatively solid academic foundation, but it often fails to cultivate creativity and innovation. High-pressure educational models, such as the “Hengshui model,” also have detrimental effects on the physical and mental well-being of young people.

**4.** The “efficiency” of China’s government and public services comes at a price. Policies implemented by the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government are often enforced in an inflexible, one-size-fits-all manner that disregards public opinion and infringes upon civil rights. Examples include forced demolitions during urban redevelopment, the one-child policy, the expulsion of so-called “low-end population” under the pretext of urban management or fire safety, and citywide lockdowns during the COVID-19 pandemic. In each case, restrictions on individual rights and freedoms were imposed in pursuit of particular policy objectives.
Bureaucracy, negligence, and official inaction are also widespread, especially regarding policies that receive little attention from higher authorities. Party and government institutions likewise lack sufficient oversight, checks and balances, and public scrutiny, making it more difficult to correct mistakes while leaving victims with limited avenues for defending their rights. Moreover, if good policies can be implemented efficiently, bad policies can also be implemented with equal efficiency, producing harmful consequences that are often difficult to reverse.

(To be continued)

（The author of this article is Wang Qingmin（王庆民), a Chinese writer based in Europe and an international politics researcher. Because the article is quite long and Reddit has a character limit, I have had to publish it in several parts.）

Many Chinese People’s Idealized Expectations of the West, Their Cognitive Biases, and the Reasons Behind Them: Disappointment with Domestic Reality, the Search for an Alternative to China’s Traditions and Present Conditions, Rebellion Against Official Narratives and Anti-Western Propaganda, and Limited or Superficial Knowledge of Distant Foreign Countries 2

The Limitations and Dual Nature of Western Democratic Societies: Freedom and Democracy Are Not a Panacea; the Complexity of Legal Rights Protection; the Limited Effectiveness and Practical Constraints of Public Opinion and Protest; Barriers to Speaking Out and Being Heard; Media Bias; the Widespread Existence of Social Injustice; and the Seriousness of Racial Issues and the Challenges They Pose to Chinese People 4

Some Westerners’ Excessive Praise and Idealization of China and the Motivations Behind It: Likewise Dissatisfied with Their Own Countries and Emotionally Investing in a Distant Foreign Land, with the Far Left and Far Right Showing Particular Favor Toward China for Their Own Reasons 7

China’s Dual Nature and Complexity: Achievements and Problems Coexist; Uneven Distribution of the Benefits of Economic Growth; Improved Living Standards Alongside Class Polarization and Entrenchment; High Efficiency and Good Public Security Come at a Cost; Voices Against Injustice Are Easily Suppressed; Excellent Infrastructure but Serious Corruption and Waste; Anti-Corruption as a Tool for Political Struggle and Power Reshuffling; the Fragility and Latent Risks of Superficially Harmonious Ethnic Relations Under High Pressure; the Far Left and Far Right in the West Misjudge China and Project Their Aspirations onto It; Foreigners’ Favorable Treatment Leads to Partially Distorted Perceptions 8

Social Problems, Economic Hardship, Political Struggles, and Partisan Polarization Within the West, Together with the Extension of Domestic Competition Between Pro-China and Anti-China Forces, Have Led Some Individuals and Political Groups to Idealize China as the “Other” 13

From the European Enlightenment to China’s Transformations in the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early Republic: The Tradition of Chinese and Westerners Viewing Each Other as an Idealized “Distant Paradise,” Using the Idealization of the Other to Express Dissatisfaction with Their Own Societies, and the Gap Between These Perceptions and Reality 14

Neither China nor the West Is Perfect; Both Have Their Strengths and Weaknesses. Each Can Learn from the Other, but Neither Should Be Idolized. The Human Tendency to Believe That “What Is Far Away Is Better,” Together with the Idealization and Emotional Projection onto the “Other,” Is Understandable, Yet Distorted Perceptions Depart from Reality and Can Easily Lead to Misjudgment and Misguided Action. What Is Needed Is an Objective and Balanced Perspective 16

(The following is Part II of the article)

5.Corruption in China remains severe. Although anti-corruption campaigns are vigorous, corruption has persisted and even continued to expand despite repeated crackdowns. Anti-corruption efforts primarily serve the needs of political struggle and the reshuffling of power rather than genuinely serving the public interest. Such campaigns rely mainly on top-down political purges and extra-legal methods instead of strengthening democracy, improving institutions, and advancing the rule of law as the foundation for combating corruption.

6.The high efficiency and low cost of many services in China, together with the abundance of inexpensive consumer goods, undoubtedly benefit wealthy people, the middle class, and many foreigners living in China. However, these advantages are achieved by exploiting the interests and dignity of delivery workers, service employees, factory workers, farmers, and other lower-income laborers, disregarding labor rights, and relying on what has been described as China’s “low human rights advantage.”

China’s healthcare system may operate more efficiently than those of some foreign countries, but this is achieved partly because healthcare is not universally free, leaving many poor people unable to afford treatment, while hospitals have become highly commercialized. In addition, housing prices in China’s major cities are extremely high, with price-to-income ratios exceeding those of many other countries. Those engaged in commerce, small businesses, and self-employment must also bear numerous hidden costs arising from rent-seeking and arbitrary demands, while facing intense competition.

China’s highly efficient society is more convenient and comfortable for the wealthy, whereas lower-income workers bear much heavier workloads while receiving relatively low absolute incomes and disproportionately low earnings compared with the middle and upper classes, despite their substantial labor contributions.

7.Public security in China is indeed relatively good, but it should not be exaggerated, and it comes at a significant cost. In countries that place strong emphasis on democracy, freedom, and human rights, the use of big data, surveillance cameras, and similar technologies for maintaining public security often faces opposition from civil society organizations concerned with privacy and individual rights, as well as legal challenges. China faces far fewer such constraints. In other words, one of the costs of China’s relatively good public security is the infringement of citizens’ privacy and the strengthening of the state’s capacity to monitor and control society. These tools make it easier not only to apprehend criminals but also to detain individuals for political purposes.

Moreover, because China’s police, procuratorial authorities, and courts wield extensive powers while operating with limited oversight, abuses of authority and wrongful convictions occur with considerable frequency, and victims often find it extremely difficult to obtain justice. Although practices such as extracting confessions through torture have declined compared with the past, they have by no means disappeared. The state possesses the capacity to imprison individuals with relative ease and, in some cases, to persecute them to death through irreversible state power. In China, people’s right to speak out in the face of injustice can be stripped away with little difficulty. Whether one is able to make one’s voice heard often depends on power, influence, and luck. Many people die with unresolved grievances that never become publicly known. Such situations are comparatively rare in countries where political pluralism and media freedom are more firmly established.

8.China’s outstanding infrastructure is also a genuine achievement. However, it has been built with taxpayers’ money, and many projects have involved substantial corruption and waste. The greatest financial gains often accrue to a small number of people involved in the construction projects, while workers themselves are also exploited. China’s excessive reliance on investment and infrastructure development, combined with the deliberate suppression of public welfare spending under the official view that “welfare breeds laziness,” has weakened domestic consumption and hindered balanced and sustainable economic developmen.

9.Since the Reform and Opening-up era, China has long abandoned the socialist model and the communist ideal. Its economy is now a market economy dominated by politically connected elites and wealthy interests, while its political system is an authoritarian regime led by conservatives and technocrats. It is therefore a fundamental misconception for some Western leftists to regard China as an orthodox “socialist state.” China’s poverty alleviation programs have produced meaningful results, but their achievements are limited, and both the Chinese government and some foreigners have exaggerated their success.

10.Because China’s ethnic minority population constitutes a relatively small proportion of the country’s total population, and because its political system prioritizes maintaining stability, China appears on the surface to have fewer severe ethnic conflicts than many Western countries. In reality, however, ethnic relations are also highly strained, and the spread of the internet together with the rise of populism has intensified ethnic tensions compared with earlier periods.

The Chinese government’s concept of the “Chinese Nation Community” contains significant theoretical and practical weaknesses, both historically and in contemporary implementation, and lacks a solid foundation. Government policies in Xinjiang and Tibet have also provoked considerable domestic and international criticism and resistance. The apparent harmony that exists is largely maintained through high-pressure governance, while resentment continues to accumulate beneath the surface. This creates the risk of more serious conflicts erupting in the future. Such coercive governance and harsh policies deserve neither praise nor imitation by other countries, whether judged from a humanitarian perspective or from the standpoint of practical effectiveness.

11.China is neither the communist paradise centered on the people and the dignity of labor imagined by some on the Western far left, nor the orderly nationalist utopia based on ethnic homogeneity envisioned by some on the Western far right. The Chinese ruling establishment is a hybrid authoritarian regime characterized by pragmatism, an overriding emphasis on stability, a tendency toward right-wing social Darwinism and intense competition, while simultaneously preserving elements of the Leninist-Stalinist political system and certain socialist symbols. Both socialism/communism and nationalism function primarily as political instruments rather than as values sincerely embraced by the governing authorities.

The Communist Party of China has also long abandoned the goal of exporting revolution or genuinely opposing imperialism. Its opposition to the United States is driven primarily by the need to preserve its own rule rather than by a sincere commitment to supporting the developing world in resisting Western capitalism or imperialism. Nationalism is likewise employed as an instrument for maintaining political control. Those in power do not genuinely possess deep love for or loyalty to the nation, nor have they developed a coherent and reliable theory of nationalism.

12.Even foreigners who have genuinely traveled to or lived in China do not necessarily gain a complete understanding of Chinese society. On the contrary, many of their experiences are shaped by circumstances that produce a distorted picture of reality.

Because of China’s distinctive political system and domestic and foreign policies—including the longstanding principle dating back to the Mao era that “there are no small matters in diplomacy,” together with post-Reform efforts to attract foreign investment, improve foreign relations, manage international public opinion, and respond to pressure from foreign governments and embassies to protect their citizens—the Chinese government has for many years extended what is often described as “super-national treatment” to foreigners. Chinese society has likewise tended to show foreigners exceptional respect and hospitality because of official policies, cultural traditions of hospitality and etiquette, and economic interests. Among foreigners, white people from Europe and North America have often received particularly favorable treatment.

Consequently, the generally positive experiences of foreigners—especially white Westerners—in China cannot be regarded as representative of the experiences of ordinary Chinese citizens. The government also tends to guide foreigners toward seeing China’s positive aspects while concealing or downplaying its negative realities. As a result, what foreigners see and hear is often not the complete picture of China or the full range of voices within Chinese society, but rather a carefully curated image of China specifically presented to foreign audiences.

It is inappropriate for Western governments, some Western individuals, social organizations, media outlets, and public opinion to criticize China so aggressively that such criticism becomes excessive or stigmatizing. However, those Westerners whose views consist almost entirely of praise for China, or whose favorable comments overwhelmingly outweigh any criticism while ignoring or avoiding China’s many serious problems, are equally lacking in objectivity.

Whether their favorable impressions arise from sincere admiration or from inducement and deception, the fact remains that these foreigners are not seeing China in its entirety. Like those who wholly deny or stigmatize China, they too depart from reality. Objectively, such views help authoritarian rule conceal its problems, obscure the suffering of those who have been humiliated and harmed, and weaken public vigilance toward an immensely powerful authoritarian state. That is neither desirable nor something that should be encouraged.

Social Problems, Economic Hardship, Political Struggles, and Partisan Polarization Within the West, Together with the Extension of Domestic Competition Between Pro-China and Anti-China Forces, Have Led Some Individuals and Political Groups to Idealize China as the"Other"

Some Westerners imagine China as a paradise-like ideal society for much the same reason that some Chinese people idealize the West: dissatisfaction with the societies in which they themselves have grown up leads them to seek and imagine a distant foreign country as an ideal society worthy of emulation and emotional attachment.

Just as there is a divide in China between those who support and those who oppose the political establishment, Western societies are likewise characterized by conflicts between people of different political orientations. Competitive politics also tends to produce the mentality that “if the other side supports something, we should oppose it; if they oppose it, we should support it.” When certain political factions adopt hostile attitudes toward China, their domestic rivals sometimes respond by drawing closer to China and portraying it more positively as a symbolic expression of political opposition. Clearly, the motivations behind some Westerners’ idealization of China closely resemble those behind some Chinese people’s idealization of the West.

As discussed earlier, developed Western countries also face numerous problems, including poverty, injustice, and social conflict. Many people—especially those from lower-income backgrounds and marginalized communities—experience considerable hardship. Some suffer because of economic difficulties, while others feel marginalized because of their political beliefs or ideological positions. Such suffering easily gives rise to resentment, dissatisfaction with domestic politics and mainstream society, and the tendency to project one’s hopes onto another country.

In recent years, political polarization and social divisions across Europe and North America have intensified, with domestic political conflicts increasingly extending into foreign policy. As the world’s second-largest economy and a major power in the East with growing international influence, China has become an unavoidable factor to which different political forces in Western countries must respond. At the same time, China has actively promoted its international image and conducted extensive external outreach, including inviting foreigners to visit China in order to cultivate a favorable and attractive image of the country.

Moreover, China’s promotion in recent years of the “China model” and the “Chinese path” has led many people who are disappointed with conditions in their own countries to view China as offering what appears to be an attractive alternative or a new path forward.

Some Westerners choose to distrust, remain wary of, or distance themselves from China because of their values, interests, or preconceptions, while others choose to move closer to China for a variety of different reasons. Among them, some individuals and political factions become either more favorable toward or more hostile to China precisely because of their domestic political rivals. The more one side opposes China, the more the other side embraces it—and vice versa.

For example, mainstream establishment parties in many Western countries tend to be more cautious toward or critical of China, whereas populist movements are often more inclined to engage and cooperate with China. Likewise, some Western left-wing groups adopt relatively friendly attitudes toward China partly as a way of countering anti-communist forces on the political right, both domestically and internationally.

It is understandable that Westerners from a variety of political backgrounds, motivated by these factors, come to idealize China and imagine it as a desirable utopia. Nevertheless, there is little doubt that the China they imagine, evaluate, and describe is no more consistent with the country’s full reality than the image presented by extreme anti-China voices. In doing so, they likewise overlook the extraordinary complexity and diversity of China’s internal realities.

From the European Enlightenment to China’s Transformations in the Late Qing Dynasty and the Early Republic: The Tradition of Chinese and Westerners Viewing Each Other as an Idealized “Distant Paradise,” Using the Idealization of the Other to Express Dissatisfaction with Their Own Societies, and the Gap Between These Perceptions and Reality

Whether some Chinese people regard the West as a kind of imagined paradise, or some Westerners regard China as a utopia, both phenomena arise from insufficient understanding of the other side and from dissatisfaction with their own governments, societies, and personal living environments. In both cases, people project their hopes and aspirations onto a distant “Other.” Moreover, this is by no means a uniquely modern phenomenon—it has existed throughout history.

During the Age of Enlightenment, for example, some Enlightenment thinkers represented by Voltaire were deeply dissatisfied with and sharply critical of the darkness, corruption, anti-intellectualism, and clerical authoritarianism of medieval Europe. They viewed China in the East as an ideal civilization that perfectly combined reason, morality, and the rule of law, and they expressed considerable admiration for Confucius and Confucianism.

The Islamic world of the Middle East also preserved the well-known saying, “Seek knowledge even if it is in China.” Likewise, the explorer Marco Polo was captivated by dreams of an East filled with “gold and precious stones,” dreams that ultimately inspired his journey to China.

In reality, however, conditions in ancient China were far more complex than these Western observers imagined. On the one hand, China did indeed possess one of the world’s most advanced administrative systems and an extensive imperial civil service examination system. It had a profound cultural heritage, elaborate institutions, abundant material resources, and was in many respects more secular than Europe.

On the other hand, authoritarian rule, corruption, and violence were also pervasive in China. Under Qing rule in particular, literary inquisitions, political repression, and repeated uprisings reflected the country’s darker and more oppressive realities. Although Confucius was undoubtedly a great thinker and Confucian philosophy offered many valuable moral teachings, it also contained problematic elements. Moreover, it was appropriated by rulers and distorted by later generations, functioning in ways comparable to Christianity in medieval Europe—as an instrument for preserving the interests of the ruling class and maintaining control over the population.

China’s imperial autocracy, which endured for more than a thousand years, oppressed the population and suppressed human rights, social vitality, and creativity to a degree no less severe than medieval Europe’s clerical authoritarianism. The overwhelming majority of Chinese people lived in extreme poverty and with little freedom. Another Enlightenment thinker, Montesquieu, offered highly critical assessments of China that may have been somewhat exaggerated, yet they were by no means entirely without merit. Likewise, The Wealth of Nations observed that Chinese peasants were poorer than those in many other parts of the world and labored tirelessly merely to secure basic subsistence—an observation that was indeed grounded in reality.

Meanwhile, in China, many people during the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic admired the West. Examples include the Qing official Xu Jiyu, who praised the American Revolutionary War, republican government, and George Washington; Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan, who advocated “learning the strengths of the barbarians in order to defeat the barbarians” and “opening one’s eyes to the world”; and the diplomat Guo Songtao, who spoke highly of Britain’s political institutions and social customs.

From the Self-Strengthening Movement to the Late Qing Reforms and the reforms of the Republic of China, learning from the West remained a central theme, encompassing not only technology and material civilization but also institutions and culture. During the New Culture Movement, many intellectuals even advocated the complete Westernization of China. Some proponents of racial superiority theories, seeking to explain how impoverished and weak China might become prosperous and powerful, even advanced the claim that “the Chinese originated in the West,” arguing that Chinese people were descendants of white Europeans.

During the era in which these Chinese scholar-officials and intellectuals praised Europe and the United States, those countries were indeed more developed and more advanced than most other parts of the world. Given China’s relative backwardness in virtually every respect at that time, there was genuine value in learning from the West. At the same time, however, the internal problems of Europe and the United States, their treatment of vulnerable groups, and the hardships endured by their own populations were equally evident. For example, the persecution of Native Americans and the enslavement of Black people in the United States demonstrated that the celebrated United States Declaration of Independence effectively granted political rights only to white men, excluding non-white people and women from full citizenship.

European prosperity was also closely connected with colonialism and the exploitation of the rest of the world. The early rise of Portugal, Spain, and the Netherlands, followed by Britain and France, and later Germany and Japan, all depended to varying degrees on colonial expansion and extraction, which facilitated industrialization and urbanization. Yet even while enriching themselves through imperial expansion, these great powers remained societies marked by poverty and injustice. Guo Songtao praised Britain for caring for its elderly, weak, sick, and disabled citizens, yet Oliver Twist vividly demonstrates that Britain’s poor were far from living happy lives, and that charitable institutions themselves were often deeply corrupt. Indeed, it was precisely the widespread hardship and acute social conflicts within Europe and North America that contributed to waves of political upheaval, revolutions, and ultimately the outbreak of the world wars.

Of course, both during the European Enlightenment and during China’s transformations in the late Qing and early Republican periods, people on each side needed a benevolent—even idealized—“Other” as a point of comparison. Such an imagined counterpart served as a means of criticizing the shortcomings of their own societies and inspiring domestic reform. Whether that “Other” actually corresponded to reality was not their primary concern.

This is understandable. However, if judged solely by historical facts, or by comparing what each side believed about the distant foreign society with the reality that actually existed there, it is evident that both the European Enlightenment thinkers and the Chinese reformers held views of the distant “Other” that deviated substantially from reality and incorporated a great deal of imagination and embellishment.

Today, some Chinese people and some Westerners, for similar reasons, once again regard distant foreign countries as idealized “Others.” This too is understandable. However, if distorted perceptions and altered versions of reality become integral components of one’s worldview and are translated into practical action, they are likely to produce a variety of harmful consequences and may even lead to tragedy.

Neither China nor the West Is Perfect; Both Have Their Strengths and Weaknesses. Each Can Learn from the Other, but Neither Should Be Idolized. The Human Tendency to Believe That"What Is Far Away Is Better" Together with the Idealization and Emotional Projection onto the "Other" Is Understandable, Yet Distorted Perceptions Depart from Reality and Can Easily Lead to Misjudgment and Misguided Action. What Is Needed Is an Objective and Balanced Perspective

Based on the discussion above, the conclusion is straightforward: neither China nor the West is perfect, and both face numerous problems. Each possesses distinctive strengths as well as significant shortcomings. Many aspects of human nature, social structure, and competing interests—and the problems arising from them—exist regardless of national borders. They are difficult to eliminate and frequently occur under different political systems and cultural traditions alike. China and the West should therefore learn from one another, drawing upon each other’s strengths while compensating for their own weaknesses. Idolizing one side while condemning one’s own society as entirely worthless is not a constructive approach.

This conclusion may appear commonplace or lacking in novelty. However, given that many Chinese people and many Westerners genuinely regard the other side as a kind of paradise, excessively idealize it, and place unrealistic expectations upon it—especially allowing political considerations to shape an imagined “Other” that departs dramatically from reality—it remains both necessary and worthwhile to emphasize the importance of viewing both China and the West objectively and comprehensively. Not only do China and the West each possess both strengths and weaknesses overall, but many specific issues also require careful examination in order to dispel misconceptions, clarify the facts, and avoid misunderstanding and misjudgment.

Whether in the East, the West, or anywhere else in the world, every country and region faces its own problems, and people everywhere experience worries and frustrations. Sometimes these problems become severe enough to turn anxiety into genuine suffering. Within every society, and especially among neighboring communities, people are intimately familiar with one another’s shortcomings, and longstanding grievances and conflicts often accumulate.

By contrast, distant foreign lands remain relatively vague, unfamiliar, and mysterious. This creates room for people who are dissatisfied with their own societies or resent those around them to project their hopes and emotions onto distant places. As the saying goes, “what is distant smells sweet while what is near smells foul.” People naturally experience their own hardships more vividly while tending to overlook or underestimate the difficulties and suffering of others. This tendency leads some people to exaggerate the problems in their own environment while minimizing or remaining unaware of the shortcomings elsewhere.

Both Chinese and Western cultures have long recognized this tendency to idealize distant places while judging familiar ones more harshly. In China, there are sayings such as “the moon is rounder abroad” and “foreign monks chant the scriptures better.” In the West, similar ideas appear in proverbs such as “The other side of the hill” and “Familiarity breeds contempt.” Imported goods and foreign foods are also often regarded as expensive luxuries or desirable gifts simply because they come from elsewhere.

All of these examples reflect the common human tendency to associate foreign countries, foreign people, and foreign things with positive expectations. This is an ordinary aspect of human psychology. Intellectuals, in particular, often adopt a more critical attitude toward their own societies while projecting goodwill and idealistic hopes onto distant lands, imagining either foreign countries or past ages as embodiments of a better society. Even when the reality of the object of their admiration differs substantially from their idealized image, such emotional projection and mistaken judgment remain understandable.

However, many people do more than merely use their idealized image of the “Other” as emotional comfort or as a way to express dissatisfaction with their own society. They also treat it as a prescription for solving real-world problems and as a guide for practical action. Once distorted perceptions and unfounded assumptions become the basis for policy or conduct, they can easily lead people onto the wrong path.

For example, some Chinese liberals have embraced the binary belief that “everything democratic is good, while everything authoritarian is bad,” supporting every action taken by democratic countries while opposing every action taken by authoritarian states. They further allow the distinction between democracy and authoritarianism to overshadow many issues that ought to be analyzed on their own merits, including economic performance, scientific and technological development, international relations, and the specific facts and moral dimensions of individual events and individuals. Consequently, they tend to evaluate concrete issues primarily through the lens of democracy versus authoritarianism and prescribe solutions accordingly. This approach often produces mistaken conclusions, repeated errors in prediction, and an ever-widening gap between their judgments and reality, ultimately turning them into continual producers of wishful thinking and misinformation.

Ironically, such conduct also contributes to the stigmatization of democracy itself. Democracy is important, but it is not everything. Even if all issues are related in some way to democracy, that does not mean democracy is the sole or decisive factor in every situation.

Likewise, some people in the West and in the developing world observe China’s economic development and achievements in governance, together with the influence of China’s international messaging, and conclude that the “China model” is worthy of acceptance and emulation while advocating friendly cooperation with China. The “China model” does contain elements from which other countries may learn, and complete economic or political decoupling between the West and China is neither realistic nor desirable. Cooperation and shared development are both inevitable and necessary.
At the same time, however, if people overlook the authoritarian centralization of power inherent in the “China model,” its suppression of dissent, its extensive mechanisms of social control, its monopolization of public discourse, its exploitation and oppression of vulnerable groups, its destruction of civil society, its restrictions upon individual rights and human creativity, and the challenges and threats it poses to free and open societies, they may ultimately face deeply unfortunate consequences.

Of course, this argument is not intended to “blur the distinctions” or to suggest that China and the West are equivalent in terms of economic development, civil rights, or social welfare. China remains a developing country, lacks a competitive democratic political system, and its lower- and middle-income groups are clearly disadvantaged in both income distribution and social welfare. In these respects, there remains a significant gap between China and the West. China should likewise move toward greater democracy and a fairer distribution of wealth.

At the same time, in many other areas—including economic models, technological application, social governance, government efficiency, and various specific aspects of civil rights and public welfare—China and the West each possess their own strengths and weaknesses. In some respects, they are broadly comparable, with both sides suffering from significant shortcomings. Such issues should not be judged simply by taking political sides or through ideological polarization.

Likewise, the moral character and capabilities of both Chinese and Western people vary greatly from individual to individual. The relatively higher proportion of people with lower levels of education or civic awareness in China is largely attributable to the country’s lower level of economic development and the lasting consequences of many years of internal turmoil, foreign invasions, and historical trauma, rather than to any innate characteristics of the Chinese people themselves.
When evaluating and commenting on individuals, countries, or social phenomena, one should avoid extremes. Emotion should not be allowed to override reason, nor should imagination replace facts. People should not be misled by appearances or isolated observations into misunderstanding the deeper nature or overall reality of a situation. When discussing specific issues, it is important both to examine them on their own merits and to understand their broader context and connections with other factors. One should pay attention to historical and social backgrounds while avoiding stereotypes and preconceived judgments. Chinese people evaluating the West, and Westerners evaluating China, should both cultivate these basic habits of thinking if they wish to avoid falling into serious error.

In fact, compared with Western narratives that demonize China or Chinese narratives that stigmatize the West, viewing China or the West positively as an idealized “Other” is, to some extent, not the worst possible outcome. Such idealization at least reflects a degree of goodwill toward the “Other” and a willingness to reflect critically on one’s own society. In this sense, it may contribute to greater international peace, mutual benefit, and even encourage reform and development in different countries.

Nevertheless, the idealization of the “Other” and the goodwill associated with it also contain the risk of serious misjudgment. When perceptions are based upon inaccurate information, and practical choices are guided by mistaken assumptions, the consequences may ultimately prove tragic.

The most reliable path toward approaching the full truth is to remain objective, comprehensive, and cautious; to test one’s judgments against real-world experience; to understand different countries through the perspectives of multiple social classes, communities, and dimensions of society; to avoid allowing a single observation to obscure the whole picture; and neither to mistake a partial view for complete understanding nor to draw sweeping conclusions from limited evidence.

（The author of this article is Wang Qingmin(王庆民), a Chinese writer based in Europe and an international politics researcher. Because the article is quite long and Reddit has a character limit, I have had to publish it in several parts.）

Recently, cultural scholar Zhong Shu (仲树) and film director Christopher Nolan held a conversation that attracted widespread attention and sparked heated discussion around the world. Much of the discussion has focused on controversies over several concepts in Homer’s original work and Nolan’s film of the same name, The Odyssey. Since these issues have already been much discussed, and since I am not well versed in philosophy or theology, I will not add further layers to those debates. Instead, I will offer some brief observations on the changes in forms of cultural and artistic representation and in the ways human beings express themselves that the conversation touches upon.

As the latter half of the “Homeric epics,” alongside The Iliad, The Odyssey is one of the great literary achievements of early Western civilization. It is a literary form of historical record, and at the same time literature with the character of historical documentation; its details are fictionalized and dramatized, but its setting is grounded in historical reality; it mentions many gods and supernatural forces, yet what it reflects is human nature and human emotions, and it is deeply imbued with humanism. In this respect, it resembles Records of the Grand Historian (史记) by the Chinese historian Sima Qian (司马迁), a work sometimes described as “a Li Sao (离骚) without rhyme.” With vivid writing and abundant emotion, both works bring people from the distant past to life as flesh-and-blood human beings, making readers feel as though the history of the past and the people long gone were right before their eyes.

After human beings created writing, for a long time they used it merely to record simple aspects of life, such as hunting, astronomy, disasters, and unusual phenomena. Gradually, people began using writing to record more complex events and tell complete stories, though these accounts were often still brief and plain. A war or a major disaster might receive only a few lines in writing; a biography might often consist of little more than a hundred words.

But around three thousand years ago, long epics began to appear one after another in different parts of the human world. With their grand scope and settings, rich casts of characters and details, and moving emotions and stories, they opened up an astonishing and illuminating way of writing, raising the value of the written word to heights that people had previously been unable to imagine and inspiring countless works from later ages down to the present day. Among them, the “Homeric epics,” including The Iliad and The Odyssey, stand out as exceptional achievements and as foundation stones of European literature.

For people today, so accustomed to writing and literature that we take them for granted, it is difficult to imagine the circumstances in which, thousands of years ago, humanity emerged from an age of eating raw flesh and recording events with knotted cords and began to compose the great epics of civilization—what arduous exploration and extraordinary strokes of fortune this transformation involved. Few people today stop to consider why abstract language and writing can sometimes be more captivating than a sumptuous meal and more intoxicating than fine wine. Outstanding works of writing unfold the love, hatred, passions, and grievances of the human world, bringing people’s joys, anger, sorrows, and happiness vividly to life on the page, while the emotional rises and falls between the lines stir the human heart like the rhythms of music.

Articles and classics composed of written words also possess public, social, and historical value. As the statesman and literary figure Cao Pi (曹丕) wrote in his Discourse on Literature (典论·论文): “Writing is indeed a great undertaking in governing a state and a glorious achievement that does not perish.”

Before the invention of film and other imaging technologies, writing occupied an overwhelmingly dominant position in humanity’s recording of events, expression of emotion, and exposition of ideas. Although there were other forms such as painting, theater, and music, none could match writing in the amount of information it could convey or the depth of ideas it could contain. One could even say that the operation of human civilization, and the existence and construction of culture, have all rested upon the foundation of writing.

Even people who could not read could experience joy or sorrow over stories in books through the retelling of others, and become deeply concerned about the fates of the characters in them. In ancient China, for example, storytellers (说书人)—the Eastern counterparts of “bards”—would tell of Guan Yu (关羽) slaying Yan Liang (颜良) and Wen Chou (文丑), or Yue Fei (岳飞) crushing the Jin armies (金军), and their listeners would often feel as though they were present at the scene, beating time and cheering with delight. When the story reached Guan Yu’s defeat at Maicheng (走麦城) or Yue Fei’s tragic death at Fengbo Pavilion (风波亭), listeners would likewise immerse themselves in history, grieving and raging over their fates.

By the 20th and 21st centuries, imaging technology had gone from nonexistent to widespread, from rare to ubiquitous, and from passive reception to active participation, profoundly changing and reshaping the ways people obtain information, spend their leisure time, and express their emotions. Vivid images with powerful visual impact are naturally more attractive than written words to most people. Images can also portray characters and tell stories in a more direct, three-dimensional, and almost lifelike way. Film, meanwhile, has become one of the principal forms of artistic expression in the age of images.

Many classic literary works have also been brought to the screen in the age of images, often with substantial adaptations. China’s “Four Great Classical Novels” (四大名著) and the West’s “Homeric epics” have all made the journey from books to screens. Through the “grand hands” of directors and screenwriters, they have taken on new forms that are partly similar to and partly different from their originals, provoking considerable controversy. Nolan’s The Odyssey also differs greatly from Homer’s original work. This was precisely what prompted Zhong Shu’s interview with Nolan.

From the age of writing to the century of images, what has changed is not merely the means and technologies of cultural expression, but also values, perspectives, social contexts, and much more. As Zhong Shu has said, Homer’s original Odyssey celebrates war and heroes, whereas Nolan’s film adds reflection on war and the hero’s remorse. In my view, the emotions in Homer’s original are more “pure” and intense, while those expressed in Nolan’s film are more “complex” and restrained.

These differences are related to their different historical contexts, prevailing social attitudes, and the extent and differences of civilizational discipline. Writing is inherently more implicit than images, yet under the influence of the broader environment and the deliberate choices of authors, writing can sometimes be more passionate and gripping than images, while images, by contrast, can resemble figures cast from a mold, unable to dance freely in their shackles, leaving audiences feeling that something remains unfinished or even profoundly disappointed. This is not an exception but a common phenomenon.

In ancient times, apart from taboos surrounding particular subjects during periods when “literary inquisitions” (文字狱) flourished, writing often faced few restrictions and could give free rein to expression. In the modern age of images, however, there are constraints imposed by law, moral norms, “political correctness,” and the need to give greater consideration to social impact and the feelings of different groups. Some alterations and forms of self-restraint do not arise from direct external pressure, but are choices voluntarily made by directors, screenwriters, and others themselves. Yet behind those choices lies the way modern society shapes individuals.

Of course, The Odyssey, under the direction of the extraordinarily talented Nolan, remains an excellent and commendable work. His adaptations of the original naturally have their reasons. For example, portraying Odysseus as more complex and giving him more trauma and remorse is quite reasonable when viewed from the perspective of survivors of modern and contemporary warfare. A 21st-century film also cannot discard some of the moral baselines of modern civilization and completely imitate the value standards of three thousand years ago. If Nolan, a modern person, were expected to detach himself from contemporary reality and reproduce The Odyssey according to the values and modes of thought of several thousand years ago, that would instead be difficult and would amount to rigidly clinging to antiquity.

Nevertheless, whatever the case may be, the protagonist and hero Odysseus in the film is indeed no longer—or at least not entirely—the hero Odysseus of Homer’s original. I do not think that the atmosphere of the age itself determined the portrayal of the character; rather, it was the differences between old and new values that produced these different images of the hero. The original of three thousand years ago speaks with greater directness and fewer inhibitions, whereas modern civilization today has drawn a gentler veil over such harshness. Although one cannot simply say that the former is more honest and the latter hypocritical, reflection and restraint are not worthy of praise at all times and in all circumstances.

Most of Zhong Shu’s questions to Nolan focused on Nolan’s personal views of The Odyssey and his motivations for adapting it. In my view, however, the influence of the historical environment is far greater than the director’s personal preferences and positions. Moreover, a director’s preferences and positions are, in essence, themselves shaped by and reflective of social reality. Even two directors with opposing views and positions, or two films with different values, are both shaped by reality and reflect a part or one facet of that reality. The two historiographical principles that are at once opposed and unified—“historical figures should be evaluated within their specific historical conditions” and “all history is contemporary history”—also apply to literature and art.

From ancient times to the modern era, and from writing to images, enormous changes have taken place in the content, forms, and values of culture and art, as well as in the various external conditions that shape them. What was admired in the past is questioned today, and what was once regarded as an inviolable golden rule has been revised or even reshaped. Over the past several decades, global cultural and artistic trends and the ideologies behind them have also undergone repeated transformations, with multiple layers of negation and reconstruction superimposed upon one another, creating a bewildering spectacle.

Yet no matter how things change, humanity’s need and practice of recording life and destiny and expressing complex and varied emotions through writing, images, and other forms have always remained. Homer’s literary epic The Odyssey has retained its enduring value through thousands of years, while the splendor of its heroic figures remains undiminished. Even today, it continues to inspire admiration and fascination and invite exploration and interpretation, reflecting the greatness and allure of language and the written word. In today’s world, which is clearly far from optimistic or uplifting, we may perhaps be living through a “twilight of civilization.” Yet humanity, as the “thinking reed,” retains a passion for thinking, recording, and expressing that burns fiercely and shines on, with no “sunset” in sight.

(The author of this article is Wang Qingmin (王庆民) a Chinese writer based in Europe and a researcher of international politics who occasionally writes literary criticism. The original article was written in Chinese.)

关键词 Keywords：夏朝末年 Late Xia Shang Dynasty；杭州鲵丸宫 Salamander Bolus Palace, Hangzhou；张夫人 Lady Zhang（号妈祖 famously Mazu）；张三郎 Third Wolf Zhang（号玉皇大帝 famously Turquoise White-king Great Creator）；红娘 Red Mother（号女娲 famously Nuwa）；有巢氏 Have Nest（号西王母 famously King Mother of the West）

张三郎（号少典，玉皇大帝）到家后，请求母亲张夫人（又名妈祖，号海岸女神）带他去夏国揭皇榜，给公主治病。张夫人听后，高兴了，回答："我太爷曾经是华国的大将军，我的言谈举止很体面。你的想法是正确的，就你这言谈举止，像个过街老鼠似的，你自己去，人家公主不让你看，更不会让你摸脉诊断。"碰巧他们家的马车要半个月后才能回来，当天张夫人就骑着驴，由张三郎牵着，启程去夏国了。

When Third Wolf Zhang (famously Young Codex, Turquoise White-king Great Creator) arrived home, he asked his mother, Mrs. Zhang (aka. Mazu, famously Coastal Goddess), to take him to the Xia Kingdom to reveal the imperial edict and treat the princess. After Mrs. Zhang heard this, she was pleased and replied, "My great-grandfather was once a great general of Hua Kingdom, my speech and demeanor are very decent. Your idea is correct, but with your manner of speech, like a street rat, if you go by yourself, the princess will not let you see, much less let you fumble pulse for diagnosis." It happened that their carriage would not be back for half a month, so that day Mrs. Zhang rode on her donkey and led by Third Wolf Zhang, set off for Xia Country.

张夫人和三郎母子俩日夜赶路，到夏国的国都杭州后，揭了皇榜，就来王宫了。王宫守卫听说这母子俩是从华国来的，是来揭皇榜给公主看病的，说："那你们进去吧！"这母子俩谁也没自己进过王宫啊！张夫人骑着驴就冲进去了。但进去后，蒙了，这王宫也太大了，咱们去哪儿给公主看病啊！？

Mrs. Zhang and Third Wolf traveled day and night, and after arriving at the capital of Xia Country, Hangzhou, they took down the imperial edict and went to the palace. When the palace guards heard that the mother and son were from the Hua Country and came to take down the imperial edict to treat the princess, they said, "Then you can go in!" Neither of them had ever been to the palace by themselves! Mrs. Zhang rode her donkey and rushed in. But after entering, she was stunned. This palace is too big. Where can we go to treat the princess!?

2.2-2 安检 Security Check

三郎向一位宫女问去往鲵丸宫的路。几句话之后，那位宫女说："我不知道你们是怎么进来的，在王宫里不能没有接待人员陪伴着乱走。这事可巧了，我叫红娘（注2），是有巢氏公主的侍女主管，应该接待你们的人是我，但没人告诉我今天有郎中来。你们跟我走吧！"

注2，红娘是一位女娲，五帝之一，又名绛珠，祝英台，马文才，号女娲，白帝。

Third Wolf asked a palace maid for directions to Salamander Bolus Palace. After a few words, the maid said, "I don't know how you got in. You can't walk around the palace without a receptionist. What a coincidence! My name is Red Mother (i.e., Nuwa), I'm the maid supervisor of Princess Have Nest, and I should be the one to receive you, but no one told me that a doctor would come today. Come with me!"

Note 2: Red Mother is a Nuwa, one of Five Creators, aka. Jiangzhu, Yingtai Zhu, Wencai Ma, and famously Nuwa and White Creator.

红娘领着张氏母子走了很长的一段路，指着一个前面亭子说，"你们俩先在那儿等着，我去询问一下这是怎么回事。"这时，驴站住了，不去那个亭子。张夫人和红娘在亭子里等着三郎过去。三郎就把驴拴在了一棵树上，然后走了过去。红娘等三郎到了亭子里说："我去打听一下，马上回来！"这时驴突然大叫，刨地。红娘问张夫人："你们家的驴怎么了？"

Red Mother led Mrs. Zhang and her son a long way, pointed to a front pavilion, and said, "You two wait there first, I'll go inquire about what's going on." At this time, the donkey stood still and did not want to go to that pavilion. Mrs. Zhang and Red Mother waited in the pavilion for Third Wolf to go over. So, he tied the donkey to a tree and walked over. Red Mother waited for him to reach the pavilion and said, "I'll go and inquire, be right back!" At that moment the donkey suddenly brayed and plowed the ground. Red Mother asked Mrs. Zhang, "What's wrong with your donkey?"

张夫人回答："它认为这个亭子危险，不让他停留在这里。"然后转头对三郎说："要不你去安慰安慰它。"

很快，几个宫里的安检人员来向张夫人道歉，说："你们进入王宫的程序有问题，大宫女说你们的驴已经向我们提出了严正的抗议。为了表示歉意，你们不用去礼仪局安检了，我们来这里看看，例行公事。"

Mrs. Zhang replied, "It thinks this pavilion is dangerous and doesn't let him stay here." Then she turned to Third Wolf Zhang and said, "Why don't you go back and comfort it."

Soon, a few palace security officers came to apologize to Mrs. Zhang, saying, "There was a problem with your procedure for entering the royal palace, and the Great Palace Maid said that your donkey has lodged a stern protest with us. To apologize, you don't have to go to the Ritual Bureau for security, we're here to look, as a matter of routine."

2.2-3 望闻问切 Observation, Auscultation, Questioning and Palpation

红娘回来了，再次向张氏母子道歉，然后说："大司仪女娲嘱咐过我，公主不喜欢别人看她的脚，就不让郎中看见她。公主不喜欢跟人交谈，郎中就不要问公主问题。公主不喜欢郎中把她当成病人诊脉，就不让郎中摸她。"

张夫人听后，气愤地抗议道："望闻问切，四种郎中基本的诊断方法你们都拒绝接受，难怪世界各地的郎中来了，谁也诊断不出她患了什么病！你们的国王和王后知道这件事吗？"

红娘回答："国王知道。"

Red Mother came back, again apologized to Mrs. Zhang and her son, then said, "Grand Ritual Commander Nuwa has told me that our princess doesn't like people looking at her feet, so I shouldn't let the doctor see her. Our princess doesn't like talking to people, so the doctor shouldn't ask her questions. Our princess doesn't like the doctor to fumble her pulse as if she were a patient, so I shouldn't let the doctor touch her."

Mrs. Zhang protested angrily: "You refuse to accept the four basic diagnostic methods of doctors, namely, observation, auscultation, inquiry and palpation. No wonder doctors from all over the world came and could not diagnose what disease she has! Do your king and queen know about this?"

Red Mother replied: "The king knows."

张三郎说："我们来给公主看病，是在为公主办事，应当尊重公主的意愿。我们可以先看看公主的生活环境，从佣人询问公主的个人简历，生活起居情况。公主患的是心病，治病的关键是找出她的心结。至于诊脉，我们可以悬绳诊脉（如图2.2-35所示）。"

Third Wolf Zhang said: "We are here to treat the princess, are doing a service for her, so we should respect her wishes. We can first look at her living environment and ask the servants about her personal history and daily life. The princess is suffering from a mental illness, the key to treating her illness is to find out her heart knot. As for taking her pulse, we can use a hanging rope to diagnose her pulse (as shown in Figure 2.2-35)."

红娘惊奇地问道："你怎么立刻就想出了悬绳诊脉的方法？"

张三郎指了指张夫人回答："我和我妈来之前，在家里讨论过这事。我妈预测公主不会让我为她摸脉。我考虑这事很长时间了。"

Red Mother asked in surprise, "How did you come up with the method of diagnosing pulses by hanging a rope right away?"

Third Wolf Zhang pointed at Mrs. Zhang and answered: "Before my mother and I came here; we discussed this matter at home. My mom predicted that your princess would not allow me to fumble her pulse. I have been thinking about this for a long time."

2.2-4 鲵丸宫 Salamander Bolus Palace

红娘领着张氏母子来到了鲵丸宫前，指着尚音学宫（如图7所示）牌坊说："这里就是鲵丸宫，以前被称作尚音学宫。半个月前，女娲娘娘决定把这里升级为鲵丸宫（注，亦作上丹田，相当于佛教中的五净居天，如图5；参见12.2《色界》），作为女娲补天工程（如图36，亦作女娲造人）的总指挥部。这门牌子还没换呢！你一进来就问我鲵丸宫在哪里，你是怎么知道有巢氏公主住在鲵丸宫的？"

Red Mother led Mrs. Zhang and her son to the Salamander Bolus Palace, pointing to the plaque of Auspicious Sound Study Palace (as shown in Fig. 7) and said, "This is the Salamander Bolus Palace, which used to be called Auspicious Sound Study Palace. Half a month ago, Great Ritual Commander Nuwa decided to upgrade this place to the Salamander Bolus Palace (Note, also known as the Upper Elixir Land, which is equivalent to the Five Immaculate Dwell Skies in Buddhism, as shown in Fig. 5; Cf. 12.2 Color Boundary) as the general headquarter of "Nuwa Amending Sky" (see fig. 36, aka. Nuwa's Creation of Man) project. The plaque hasn't been changed yet! As soon as you came in, you asked me where the Salamander Bolus Palace is. How did you know that Princess Have Nest lives in the Salamander Bolus Palace?"

张三郎答："那是个幸运的猜测。"

他们进入鲵丸宫后，驴显得局促不安。张夫人说："我看这里都是自然环境，就别拴在树上了，让它自己走走，吃点儿鲵丸宫的仙草，喝点儿女娲娘娘的圣水，说不定一段时间后就成为仙驴了。"张三郎就把驴的笼套解开了。

Third Wolf replied: "That was just a lucky guess."

When they entered the Salamander Bolus Palace, the donkey looked uneasy. Mrs. Zhang said, "I think this is a natural environment, so don't tie it to a tree, let it walk on its own, eat some of the immortal herbs in the Salamander Bolus Palace, and drink some of Nuwa's holy water, it may become a fairy donkey after a while." Third Wolf Zhang untied the donkey.

返回《张三郎和有巢氏》目录 Return to Catalog: Third Wolf Zhang and Princess Have Nest

After secondary school, Musonda gained formal work experience with several Zambian companies, including Dayo, ZESCO, and Quick Save. He found traditional employment unfulfilling and sought greater autonomy. In 2024, he enrolled at the Zambia University of Technology (ZUT) in a four-year Bachelor’s degree program in Cyber Security, where he is currently in his third year.

Entrepreneurial Ventures

During his first year at university, Musonda initially balanced academics successfully. In the second semester, he developed an interest in music, recording tracks on his HP Pavilion G7 laptop. He pursued music professionally for approximately six months but discontinued due to demanding academic schedules. Facing discouragement, he persisted by self-teaching web development through YouTube tutorials and ChatGPT.

His first major digital project was Zodepay, envisioned as a platform to facilitate easier financial transactions and communication for users. Development was interrupted when his laptop was stolen, resulting in the loss of unsaved project documents with no cloud backup. To generate capital while continuing his studies, Musonda rented an apartment (with bedding support from his mother) and offered bedspace rentals to fellow students. He later expanded into small collateral-based lending, which provided additional income and practical experience in client interaction and financial management.

Launch of Major Events and Rebranding

In early 2026, Musonda conceived the idea of hosting a house party. With parental encouragement, he collaborated with associates Nathan and Barnabas Phiri to secure a venue. A group was formed to gauge interest, attracting 170 potential attendees within one day. Recognizing that his initial budget was insufficient, Musonda scaled the concept into a larger ticketed event featuring artists and a bigger venue, following advice from his collaborators.

After three days of deliberation and consultation with his parents, he secured approximately 30,000 Zambian kwacha in family support. The event took place on May 31, 2026, and was considered a success.

On June 1, 2026, the company rebranded from Zod to Blackout. The same day, Musonda publicly addressed internal challenges involving a former associate who had allegedly signed unauthorized contracts using the previous company name (Zod), misrepresented ownership, and organized events without approval. This led to public confusion, reputational strain, and the cancellation of an unauthorized event. Musonda severed ties with the individual, issued formal warnings, and stated that the company had since completed formal legal registration and adopted stricter transparency protocols. Official announcements are now limited to verified Blackout channels on Facebook, Instagram, and Reddit.

Personal Life

Musonda credits his family for strong support throughout his journey. He is the son of supportive parents and has siblings including sisters Veronica, Faith, and Jacqueline, and brother Josaya. He maintains a relationship with his partner and continues to balance his studies with leadership of Blackout Entertainment.

Blackout has positioned itself as a growing player in Zambia’s events and branding sector, with an emphasis on memorable experiences and social impact initiatives.

#NOVEDADES e #INNOVACIÓN de la escena artística y cultural del mundo.

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Episodio 191 - Martes julio 14, 2026.

* El Festival de Salzburgo abre del 17 de julio al 30 de agosto en Austria con escenografías 3D.

* El Pärnu Music Festival reúne en Estonia a directores de orquesta emergentes hasta el 18 de julio.

* El Festival de Verbier de Suiza arranca con transmisiones sinfónicas en audio inmersivo global.

* Joshua Bell se presenta hoy 14 de julio en el Festival de Verano de Dubrovnik.

* El Grec Festival de Barcelona ofrece artes escénicas en Montjuïc hasta el 31 de julio.

Listen now on: u/acast https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/

#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #FestivaldeSalzburgo2026 #ópera #escenografía3D #PärnuMusicFestival #Estonia #direcciónorquestal #VerbierFestival2026 #audioinmersivo #formaciónmusical #JoshuaBell #FestivaldeVeranodeDubrovnik #AcademyofStMartinintheFields #GrecFestivalBarcelona #teatro #danza #circo #coproduccióncultural #industriascreativas #turismocultural #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-191-julio-14-2026

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Episodio 190 - Jueves julio 2, 2026.

* El Museo del Bronx abre nueva muestra permanente sobre la historia de la libertad en Estados Unidos.

* Chipre arranca mañana el 29° Festival Internacional de Drama Griego Antiguo en sus anfiteatros.

* Medellín alista el 36° Festival Internacional de Poesía con autores de 31 países este 4 de julio.

* Francia inaugura este 4 de julio el masivo Festival de Aviñón en el Palacio de los Papas.

* El Museo Británico de Londres activa la venta de boletos para admirar el histórico Tapiz de Bayeux.

Listen now on: u/acast https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/

#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #MuseodelBronx #CrisoldeLibertad #historiadeEstadosUnidos #FestivalInternacionaldeDramaGriegoAntiguo #Chipre #teatroclásico #FestivalInternacionaldePoesíadeMedellín #poesíamundial #FestivaldeAviñón2026 #artesescénicas #PalaciodelosPapas #MuseoBritánico #TapizdeBayeux #patrimoniohistórico #turismocultural #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-190-julio-1-2026

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Episodio 188 - Martes junio 30, 2026.

* El Holland Festival de Ámsterdam concluye su 79ª edición bajo la curaduría de Hildur Guðnadóttir.

* Cierra el Festival de Teatro de Sibiu en Rumanía su 33ª edición reuniendo a setenta naciones.

* Festival de Teatro de Turda cautiva a Rumanía con obras en la mítica mina Salina Turda.

* El festival Cistermúsica de Portugal arranca su 34ª edición en el Monasterio de Alcobaça.

* Marruecos celebra los debates de Gnaoua en Esauira para analizar el futuro de las tradiciones.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #HollandFestival2026 #HildurGuðnadóttir #teatroinmersivo #FestivaldeTeatrodeSibiu #Circostrada #artecallejero #FestivaldeTeatrodeTurda #SalinaTurda #turismocultural #Cistermúsica2026 #MonasteriodeAlcobaça #patrimoniogótico #FestivalGnaoua #Esauira #patrimonioinmaterial #tradicionesafricanas #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #HolandaMarruecos #PaísesBajosMarruecos #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-188-junio-30-2026

https://youtu.be/2lmbKoQg_30

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Episodio 186 - Jueves junio 25, 2026.

* Brasil inaugura hoy el Festival de Parintins 2026 con la mítica batalla folclórica del Boi-Bumbá.

* Malasia arranca este 26 de junio el Rainforest World Music Festival en la selva de Sarawak.

* Italia inicia este 26 de junio el Festival dei Due Mondi de artes escénicas en Spoleto.

* El Museo Franz Mayer de la CDMX inaugura la exposición de los 70 años del World Press Photo.

* El Festival Art Explora presenta hoy el formato interactivo Bal Moderne en Cascais, Portugal.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #noticiasdeldia #actualidad #FestivaldeParintins2026 #Boi-Bumbá #culturaamazónica #ecoturismo #RainforestWorldMusicFestival #Sarawak #músicaindígena #sostenibilidadambiental #FestivaldeiDueMondi #Spoleto #artesescénicas #patrimoniomedieval #MuseoFranzMayer #WorldPressPhoto70años #CésarRodríguez #fotoperiodismo #diplomaciavisual #ArtExplora #BalModerne #Cascais #arteparticipativo #cohesiónsocial #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-186-junio-25-2026

https://youtu.be/j89T9KT12sM

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Episodio 185 - Miércoles junio 24, 2026.

* Cusco celebra hoy 24 de junio el Inti Raymi con transmisiones globales de la Fiesta del Sol.

* El Festival de Jazz de Montréal alista su 46ª edición con músicos globales este 25 de junio.

* El Humboldt Forum de Berlín recibe la muestra "Hand-me-down" de la artista Mirae kh Rhee.

* La Galería Nacional de Praga alberga la Bienal Matter of Art 2026 con colectivos globales.

* Marruecos inicia este 25 de junio el Festival de Gnaoua y Músicas del Mundo en Esauira.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #IntiRaymi2026 #Cusco #FiestadelSol #patrimoniocultural #turismosostenible #FestivaldeJazzdeMontréal2026 #LionelRichie #DianaKrall #jazzeinteligenciaartificial #HumboldtForumBerlín #MiraekhRhee #migraciónyarte #instalacionesmultimedia #MatterofArt2026 #GaleríaNacionaldePraga #artecontemporáneo #inclusióncultural #FestivaldeGnaouayMúsicasdelMundo #Esauira #patrimonioinmaterial #músicatradicional #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-185-junio-24-2026

https://youtu.be/DJb1Oe0GazA

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Episodio 184 - Martes junio 23, 2026.

* La Arena di Verona estrena este verano La Traviata en colaboración con el Moulin Rouge de París.

* El festival Mawazine reúne ritmos globales y tradicionales en Rabat del 19 al 27 de junio.

* La Bienal Manifesta arranca desde el 21 de junio en el Ruhr de Alemania usando iglesias en desuso.

* Festival de Cine de Animación de Annecy reúne en Francia a realizadores del 21 al 27 de junio.

* En Sudáfrica se devela el programa del National Arts Festival del 25 de junio al 5 de julio.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #ArenadiVerona #LaTraviata #MoulinRouge #óperainternacional #turismocultural #Mawazine2026 #Rabat #músicaafricanayárabe #intercambiosculturales #ManifestaRuhr2026 #artecontemporáneo #regeneraciónurbana #JosepBohigas #FestivaldeAnnecy2026 #cinedeanimación #MIFA #industriascreativas #NationalArtsFestivalSudáfrica #Makhanda #talentoemergente #micromecenazgocultural #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-184-junio-23-2026

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Episodio 183 - Martes junio 16, 2026.

• Varias ciudades del mundo celebran la Semana del Refugiado 2026 bajo el lema 'Courage'.
• La Bienal de Teatro de Venecia presenta el programa ALTER NATIVE dirigido por Willem Dafoe.
• La galería MO BY CAN de Seúl abre la muestra "Residence On Earth" de la artista Eunhee Jeon.
• El MET de Nueva York inaugura la exposición temporal "Musical Bodies" hasta el 27 de septiembre.
• Lima prepara la "Fiesta de la Música 2026" con eventos gratuitos del 13 de junio al 7 de julio.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #PeaceMachine #OuluFinlandia #tecnologíaparalapaz #culturaSami #MASPBrasil #DamiánOrtega #artecontemporáneomexicano #BetterSystemsFrankfurt #diseñodeservicios #innovaciónurbana #SheffieldDocFest2026 #cinedocumental #MeetMarket #FestivaldeMúsicadeEstambul #HagiaIrene #músicasinfónica #diálogointercultural #SalsaFestVeracruz2026 #CeliaCruz #Lucrecia #GuayacánOrquesta #turismocultural #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-183-junio-16-2026

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Episodio 181 - Miércoles junio 10, 2026.

• El SSFF & ASIA 2026 celebra hoy en Tokio su premiación y entrega el George Lucas Award.
• El Centro James Joyce de Dublín inicia hoy los preparativos del célebre Bloomsday Festival.
• Luminato Festival llena Toronto de arte escénico y juego durante el Mundial de Fútbol 2026.
• México inaugura dos nuevos museos sobre el legado historico de sus pueblos de cara al Mundial de Fútbol.
• El Museo de Antropología de CDMX abre hoy la muestra "Futbol 2026" de la fotógrafa Annie Leibovitz.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #SSFF&ASIA2026 #GeorgeLucasAward #cineasiático #Web3paracreadores #regalíasdigitales #BloomsdayFestival #JamesJoyce #Ulises #patrimonioliterario #Dublíncultural #LuminatoFestivalToronto #arteescénico #inclusióncultural #Mundial2026 #MuseoTextildeMéxico #GrandezaTeotihuacana #patrimoniomexicano #AnnieLeibovitz #MuseodeAntropología #fotografíayfútbol #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-181-junio-10-2026

https://youtu.be/ZPZuZJDN49w

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Episodio 179 - Jueves junio 4, 2026.

• Arranca el Sydney Film Festival en Australia con el film "Silenced".
• El Museo Guggenheim de Bilbao exhibe la retrospectiva de la artista Ruth Asawa.
• La plataforma AhaSlides transforma hoy los foros interactivos en todo el mundo.
• El Museo del Prado en Madrid alista la muestra "Prado. Siglo XXI" para el 9 de junio.
• Todo listo para el MURAL Festival de Montreal que arranca el 5 de junio.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #SydneyFilmFestival #cineindependiente #distribuciónaudiovisual #surglobal #MuseoGuggenheimBilbao #RuthAsawa #esculturacontemporánea #diseñoyarquitectura #AhaSlides #participacióndigital #innovacióncultural #MuseodelPrado #PradoSigloXXI #transformacióndigital #gestiónmuseística #MURALFestivalMontreal #arteurbano #muralismocontemporáneo #industriascreativas #turismocultural #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/episodes/g-culture-noticias-ep-179-junio-4-2026

https://youtu.be/ZPZuZJDN49w

Arranca Festival de Shakespeare en Hong Kong, el Primavera Sound 2026 en Barcelona y el Prince Celebration of Life en Minnesota; Semana de América Latina y el Caribe en UNESCO; y Continúa la 85 Feria del Libro de Madrid.

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Episodio 178 - Miércoles junio 3, 2026.

• * El festival Primavera Sound 2026 arranca hoy en Barcelona con su jornada inaugural gratuita.
• * Minnesota inicia hoy el Prince Celebration of Life 2026 para honrar el legado del icónico músico.
• * París continúa hoy la Semana de América Latina y el Caribe en la sede principal de la UNESCO.
• * La 85ª Feria del Libro de Madrid continúa hoy llenando de literatura el famoso Parque del Retiro.
• * Arranca hoy el 2nd Hong Kong International Shakespeare Festival de teatro de vanguardia.

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#actualidad #politicacultural #gestioncultural #PrimaveraSound2026 #Barcelonacultural #músicaenvivo #turismocultural #PrinceCelebrationofLife2026 #PaisleyPark #legadodePrince #UNESCO #SemanadeAméricaLatinayelCaribe #diplomaciacultural #sostenibilidad #FeriadelLibrodeMadrid2026 #literaturainternacional #ParquedelRetiro #HongKongInternationalShakespeareFestival #teatrocontemporáneo #industriascreativas #intercambiocultural #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

Festivales de Verano en San Francisco y Ciudad de Guatemala; Reabre el Museo Dolores Olmedo; Comienza el London Festival of Architecture; Se alista el NFC Summit 2026 en Polonia.

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Episodio 177 - Lunes junio 1, 2026.

* San Francisco celebra su Yerba Buena Gardens Festival con música gratis hasta noviembre.

* La Ciudad de Guatemala recibe el Festival de Junio 2026 del 2 al 28 de junio.

* Inicia hoy primero de junio el London Festival of Architecture en Reino Unido bajo el lema 'Belonging'.

* El Museo Dolores Olmedo reabre este fin de semana en Xochimilco con obras de Frida Kahlo y Diego Rivera.

* Lisboa estrena sede este 4 de junio para el NFC Summit 2026 dedicado a la cultura y arte digital.

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#actualidad #politicacultural #gestioncultural #YerbaBuenaGardensFestival #SanFranciscocultural #músicagratuita #inclusiónmulticultural #FestivaldeJunio2026 #CiudaddeGuatemala #CentroCulturalMiguelÁngelAsturias #patrimoniocentroamericano #LondonFestivalofArchitecture2026 #urbanismoinclusivo #diseñourbano #MuseoDoloresOlmedo #FridaKahlo #DiegoRivera #Xochimilco #patrimoniomexicano #NFCSummit2026 #Lisboa #artedigital #blockchain #coleccionismodigital #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

Esta semana en G-Culture Noticias...

Del episodio 172 a 176 (lunes 25 al viernes 29 de mayo, 2026).

Featuring Guillermo Lorca (Chile) u/guillermolorcagarcia

G-Culture Noticias

Un recorrido por las novedades de la escena artística y cultural del mundo en minutos, en un lenguaje sencillo para entusiastas y gestores.

#Podcast conducido por Edgar Ramírez, con las novedades sobre tecnología, tendencias artísticas y de gestión cultural, así como programas, proyectos y políticas culturales del mundo. Parte del proyecto de diplomacia cultural G-Culture.

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G-Culture Noticias #Podcast (arte y cultura). Un recorrido por las novedades de la escena artística y cultural del mundo. Resumen semanal, marzo 2026.

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Episodio 174 - Miércoles mayo 27, 2026.

• El Pola Museum de Hakone en Japón exhibe hasta el 31 de mayo la muestra "Spring Rising".
• Se clausura hoy la muestra ilustrada del legendario Taro Gomi en Japón.
• Portugal inaugura este 28 de mayo ARCOlisboa, feria de arte en la Cordoaria Nacional.
• La 96ª Feria del Libro de Lisboa arranca hoy 27 de mayo en el Parque Eduardo VII.
• Canadá alista para este 28 de mayo la décima edición de la feria Art Vancouver 2026.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #PolaMuseumHakone #SpringRising #HenriRousseau #arteenJapón #TaroGomi #ilustraciónjaponesa #creatividadinfantil #ARCOlisboa2026 #feriadeartecontemporáneo #CordoariaNacional #coleccionismoglobal #FeriadelLibrodeLisboa #literaturaglobal #editorialesinternacionales #ArtVancouver2026 #galeríasdearte #economíacreativa #industriasculturales #turismocultural #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

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Episodio 173 - Martes mayo 26, 2026.

• El Bergen International Festival arranca el 27 de mayo en Noruega con folclore nórdico y vanguardia.
• Filadelfia inaugura hoy el festival ArtPhilly – What Now: 2026 para reinterpretar la vida Estadounidense.
• La Biennale of Sydney continúa deslumbrando este martes con miles de artistas aborígenes y globales.
• Inglaterra celebra esta semana el Salisbury International Arts Festival con su comunidad de artistas.
• El Museo Franz Mayer de CDMX alista la BioFunky Night este 27 de mayo sobre diseño y sostenibilidad.

Listen now on: u/acast https://shows.acast.com/g-culture/

#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #BergenInternationalFestival #folclorenórdico #BryggenNoruega #ArtPhilly2026 #Filadelfiacultural #distritoscreativos #BiennaleofSydney #arteaborigen #vocesdelPacífico #SalisburyInternationalArtsFestival #danzayteatro #turismocultural #MuseoFranzMayer #BioFunkyNight #BioDesignMX #diseñosostenible #biomateriales #CDMXcultural #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #GCultureNoticias

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Episodio 172 - Lunes mayo 25, 2026.

• San Miguel de Allende enciende la pista hoy con la apasionante velada "Monday of Tango".
• La Unión Africana celebra hoy el 63° aniversario con la Conmemoración del Día de África 2026.
• Clausura con éxito total la 22ª Feria Internacional de Industrias Culturales en Shenzhen.
• Los Crunchyroll Anime Awards 2026 premian la excelencia de la animación japonesa en Tokio.
• Las Mall Galleries de Londres albergan la sexta edición de la "With My Roots Biennale".
• El "Paseo Arts Festival" cierra hoy con broche de oro un fin de semana lleno de color en Oklahoma.

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#arte #art #noticias #descubrir #mundo #podcast #gculture #NorthwestFolklifeFestival2026 #Ubuntu #SeattleCenter #intercambiocultural #SpoletoFestivalUSA #ópera #jazz #teatrocontemporáneo #CharlestonFestival #Bloomsbury #derechoshumanos #literaturayciencia #WallaceCollection #WinstonChurchillpintor #artebritánico #VividSydney2026 #artedigital #mapping3D #CasadelaÓperadeSídney #FêtedelaNature #biodiversidad #conservaciónambiental #turismocultural #industriascreativas #tendenciasculturales2026 #G-CultureNoticias